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French literature
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The 18th century to the Revolution of 1789
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Pierre Bayle
Montesquieu
"Persian Letters"
Voltaire
"Candide"
Illustrations
Jean-Michel Moreau le Jeune
"Age of Louis XIV"
Denis Diderot
"Rameau's Nephew"
Abbé Dubos
Pierre Marivaux
Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais
"The Marriage of
Figaro"
Pierre-Claude Nivelle de La Chaussée
Michel-Jean Sedaine
Abbé Prévost "Manon Lescaut"
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
"Confessions"
BOOK I-VI,
BOOK VII-XII
Claude-Adrien Helvétius
Paul-Henri d’Holbach
Julien de La Mettrie
Pierre Choderlos de Laclos
Jacques-Henri Bernardin de
Saint-Pierre
"Paul
and Virginia"
Nicolas-Edme Restif de la
Bretonne
Louis-Sébastien Mercier
Donatien-Alphonse-François, comte de Sade
1."Justine"
Illustrations by Mahlon Blaine
2.Illustration of a Dutch printing of the books by the
Marquis de Sade
3."The 120 Days of
Sodom"
4.Salò,
or the 120 Days of Sodom
Etienne Bonnot de Condillac
Jean Le Rond d’Alembert
Jean-Baptiste Lamarck
Georges-Louis Leclerc, count de Buffon
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The 18th century to the Revolution of 1789
The Enlightenment
The death of Louis XIV on
September 1, 1715, closed an epoch, and thus the
date of 1715 is a useful starting point for the
Enlightenment. The beginnings of critical thought,
however, go back much further, to about 1680, where
one can begin to discern a new intellectual climate
of independent inquiry and the questioning of
received ideas and traditions.
The earlier date permits the inclusion of two
important precursors. Pierre Bayle, a Protestant
forced into exile by the repressive policies of
Louis XIV against the Huguenots, paved the way for
later attacks upon the established church by his own
onslaught upon Roman Catholic dogma and, beyond
that, upon authoritarian ideologies of all kinds.
His skepticism was constructive, underlying a
fervent advocacy of toleration based on respect for
freedom of conscience. In particular, his
Dictionnaire historique et critique (1697; 2nd ed.,
1702; An Historical and Critical Dictionary) became
an arsenal of knowledge and critical ideas for the
18th century.
Bayle’s contemporary Fontenelle continued in
Descartes’s wake to make knowledge, especially of
science, more accessible to the educated layperson.
His Entretiens sur la pluralité des mondes (1686;
Conversations on the Plurality of Worlds) explains
the Copernican universe in simple terms. The
Histoire des oracles (1687; The History of Oracles)
complements this popular erudition by a rationalist
critique of erroneous legends. Fontenelle helped to
lay the basis for empirical observation as the
proper approach to scientific truth.
Both Bayle and Fontenelle promoted the
Enlightenment principle that the pursuit of
verifiable knowledge was a central human activity.
Bayle was concerned with the problem of evil, which
seemed to him a mystery understandable by faith
alone. But such unknowable matters did not at all
invalidate the search for hard fact, as the
Dictionnaire abundantly shows. Fontenelle, for his
part, saw that the furtherance of truth depended
upon the elimination of error, arising as it did
from human laziness in unquestioningly accepting
received ideas or from human love of mystery.
The
baron de Montesquieu, the first of the great
Enlightenment authors, demonstrated a liberal
approach to the world fitting in with an innovative
pluralist and relativist view of society. His
Lettres persanes (1721; Persian Letters) established
his reputation. A fictional set of correspondences
centred on two Persians making their first visit to
Europe, they depict satirically a Paris in
transition between the old dogmatic absolutes of
monarchy and religion and the freedoms of a new age.
At their centre is the condition of women—trapped in
the private space of the harem, emancipated in the
salons of Paris. The personal experience of the
Persians generates debate on a wide range of crucial
moral, political, economic, and philosophical
issues, all centring on the link between the public
good and the regulation of individual desire.
Montesquieu’s interest in social mechanisms and
causation is pursued further in the Considérations
sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains et de leur
décadence (1734; Reflections on the Causes of the
Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire). To explain
Rome’s greatness and decline, he invokes the notion
of an esprit général (“general spirit”), a set of
secondary causes underlying each society and
determining its developments. Herein are the seeds
of De l’esprit des lois (1748; The Spirit of the
Laws), the preparation of which took 14 years. This
great work brought political discussion into the
public arena in France by its insistence upon the
wide variation of sociopolitical forms throughout
the world, its attempt to assess their relative
effectiveness, and its assertion of the need, in
whatever form of society, to maintain liberty and
tolerance as prime objects of concern.
Voltaire (François-Marie Arouet), on any count,
bestrides the Enlightenment. Whether as dramatist,
historian, reformer, poet, storyteller, philosopher,
or correspondent, for 60 years he remained an
intellectual leader in France. A stay in England
(1726–28) led to the Lettres philosophiques (1734;
Letters on England), which—taking England as a
polemical model of philosophical freedom,
experimental use of reason, enlightened patronage of
arts and science, and respect for the new merchant
classes and their contribution to the nation’s
economic well-being—offered a program for a whole
civilization, as well as sharp satire of a despotic,
authoritarian, and outdated France. In later years
Voltaire’s onslaught upon the power of the Roman
Catholic church became more direct, as he denounced
its doctrines and practices in countless pamphlets
and the Dictionnaire philosophique (1764;
Philosophical Dictionary), the vade mecum of
Voltairean attitudes. He laboured on historical
works all his life, producing most notably Le Siècle
de Louis XIV (1751; The Age of Louis XIV) and the
Essai sur les moeurs (1756; An Essay on Universal
History, the Manners and Spirit of Nations from the
Reign of Charlemaign to the Age of Lewis XIV), the
latter a world history of a half-million words.
Above all, it was the growth of civilizations and
cultures that particularly commanded his attention
and formidable energy. He is best remembered for the
tale
Candide (1759), a savage denunciation of
metaphysical optimism that reveals a world of
horrors and folly. Candide at last renounces the
search for absolute truths as futile and settles for
the simple life of labours within his reach,
“cultivating his garden.” The conte (“tale”) called
L’Ingénu (1767; “The Naïf”; Eng. trans. in Zadig,
and L’Ingenu [1964]) continued this lesson, with a
turn from metaphysics to social satire on the
corrupt French government (which he prudently set
retrospectively in Louis XIV’s reign). Reformist
appeals to justice were the main focus of
Voltaire’s
writings in his last 20 years, as he protested
against such outrages as the executions, motivated
by religious prejudice, of Jean Calas and the
chevalier de La Barre.
Another universal genius,
Denis Diderot, occupied
a somewhat less exalted place in his own times,
since most of his greatest works were published only
posthumously. But his encylopaedic range is
undeniable. He was a theorist of the bourgeois
drama, the first great French art critic (the
several Salons), a sharp observer of the psychology
of repression and its political function in
authoritarian society, and author of the greatest
French antinovel of the century, which, influenced
by
Laurence Sterne’s
Tristram Shandy, anticipates in
its form and techniques and in its language both
20th-century realism and the mode of the nouveau
roman (Jacques le fataliste et son maître [1796;
Jacques the Fatalist and His Master]).
Diderot
seized on the Spinozist vision of a world
materialistic and godless yet pulsating with energy
and the unexpected. Jacques the Fatalist captures
the fluidity of a disconcerting universe where
nothing is ever clear-cut or under control, where
history, in the form of choices already made by
others, determines any individual’s fate, and yet
free will and responsibility are among the highest
human values. The admirable servant Jacques, who
sees through yet loyally serves and protects his
bonehead of a master and who establishes and
maintains his own humane values, following his heart
as well as his head in a world given over to cruelty
and chance, is the model new man of the
Enlightenment.
Diderot’s interest in the plasticity of matter
(he reasoned that categories such as animal,
vegetable, and mineral are not as distinct as
conventional thought suggested), combined with an
interest in biology and medicine, is nowhere better
exemplified than in Le Rêve de d’Alembert (written
1769, published 1830; D’Alembert’s Dream). This work
is written in the characteristic form of a dialogue,
allowing
Diderot to range free with speculative
questions rather than attempt firm answers. Other
dialogues focus on key contemporary events and
explore the philosophical questions they posed. The
Supplément au voyage de Bougainville (1773;
Supplement to Bougainville’s Voyage in The Libertine
Reader: Eroticism and Enlightenment in
Eighteenth-Century France), for example, takes the
great explorer’s landfall in Tahiti to consider the
relativity of sexual mores in different societies
and to satirize again politics founded on sexual
repression.
In his own day,
Diderot was best known as editor
of the Encyclopédie, a vast work in 17 folio volumes
of text and 11 of illustrations. He and Jean Le Rond
d’Alembert inaugurated the undertaking, and
d’Alembert introduced the first volume in 1751.
Diderot edited alone from 1758 until the final
volume of plates appeared in 1772. A summation of
new scientific and technological knowledge and, by
that very fact, a radically polemical enterprise,
the Encyclopédie is the epitome of the
Enlightenment, disseminating practical information
to improve the human lot, reduce theological
superstition, and, in
Diderot’s words from his key
article “Encyclopédie,” “change the common way of
thinking.”
Pierre Bayle

born Nov. 18, 1647, Carla-le-Comte,
Fr.
died Dec. 28, 1706, Rotterdam, Neth.
philosopher whose Dictionnaire
historique et critique (1697;
“Historical and Critical Dictionary”)
was roundly condemned by the French
Reformed Church of Rotterdam and by the
French Roman Catholic church because of
its numerous annotations deliberately
designed to destroy orthodox Christian
beliefs.
Bayle was the son of a Calvinist
minister and briefly embraced Roman
Catholicism in 1669. He acted as tutor,
then taught philosophy (1675–81) at the
Protestant Academy of Sedan. After
moving to Rotterdam in 1681 to teach
philosophy and history, he published
(1682) his anonymous reflections on the
comet of 1680, deriding the superstition
that comets presage catastrophe. He also
questioned many Christian traditions,
thus arousing the ire of a Calvinist
colleague, Pierre Jurieu. Bayle’s plea
for religious toleration (even for
atheists) eventually convinced Jurieu
that Bayle was an atheist in disguise.
The rift between the two was complete
when Bayle advocated a conciliatory
attitude toward the anti-Calvinist
government of Louis XIV; in 1693 Bayle
was deprived of his Rotterdam
professorship.
Thereafter, Bayle devoted himself to
his famous Dictionnaire, ostensibly a
supplement to Louis Moreri’s dictionary
but in fact a work of considerable
originality. In this encyclopaedic work
the articles themselves—on religion,
philosophy, and history—are little more
than summary expositions. The bulk of
the Dictionnaire consists of quotations,
anecdotes, commentaries, and erudite
annotations that cleverly undo whatever
orthodoxy the articles contain. Vehement
objections were voiced, particularly to
the article “David,” to the bias in
favour of Pyrrhonistic (radical)
skepticism, atheism, and epicureanism,
and to the use of Scripture to introduce
indecencies. This oblique method of
subversive criticism was adopted by
18th-century encyclopaedists.
Bayle was convinced that
philosophical reasoning led to universal
skepticism, but that nature compelled
man to accept blind faith, an extremely
popular view in the early 18th century.
Bayle’s last years were troubled by
allegations that he was conspiring with
France to detach the Dutch from their
Anglo-Austrian alliance. On his death,
however, foe and friend alike lamented
the passing of a great intellectual.
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Montesquieu
"Persian Letters"

French political philosopher
born January 18, 1689, Château La Brède, near Bordeaux, France
died February 10, 1755, Paris
Main
French political philosopher whose major work, The Spirit of Laws, was a
major contribution to political theory.
Early life and career.
His father, Jacques de Secondat, belonged to an old military family of
modest wealth that had been ennobled in the 16th century for services to
the crown, while his mother, Marie-Françoise de Pesnel, was a pious lady
of partial English extraction. She brought to her husband a great
increase in wealth in the valuable wine-producing property of La Brède.
When she died in 1696, the barony of La Brède passed to Charles-Louis,
who was her eldest child, then aged seven. Educated first at home and
then in the village, he was sent away to school in 1700. The school was
the Collège de Juilly, close to Paris and in the diocese of Meaux. It
was much patronized by the prominent families of Bordeaux, and the
priests of the Oratory, to whom it belonged, provided a sound education
on enlightened and modern lines.
Charles-Louis left Juilly in 1705, continued his studies at the
faculty of law at the University of Bordeaux, was graduated, and became
an advocate in 1708; soon after he appears to have moved to Paris in
order to obtain practical experience in law. He was called back to
Bordeaux by the death of his father in 1713. Two years later he married
Jeanne de Lartigue, a wealthy Protestant, who brought him a respectable
dowry of 100,000 livres and in due course presented him with two
daughters and a son, Jean-Baptiste. Charles-Louis admired and exploited
his wife’s business skill and readily left her in charge of the property
on his visits to Paris. But he does not appear to have been either
faithful or greatly devoted to her. In 1716 his uncle, Jean-Baptiste,
baron de Montesquieu, died and left to his nephew his estates, with the
barony of Montesquieu, near Agen, and the office of deputy president in
the Parlement of Bordeaux. His position was one of some dignity. It
carried a stipend but was no sinecure.
The young Montesquieu, at 27, was now socially and financially
secure. He settled down to exercise his judicial function (engaging to
this end in the minute study of Roman law), to administer his property,
and to advance his knowledge of the sciences—especially of geology,
biology, and physics—which he studied in the newly formed academy of
Bordeaux.
In 1721 he surprised all but a few close friends by publishing his
Lettres persanes (Persian Letters, 1722), in which he gave a brilliant
satirical portrait of French and particularly Parisian civilization,
supposedly seen through the eyes of two Persian travellers. This
exceedingly successful work mocks the reign of Louis XIV, which had only
recently ended; pokes fun at all social classes; discusses, in its
allegorical story of the Troglodytes, the theories of Thomas Hobbes
relating to the state of nature. It also makes an original, if naive,
contribution to the new science of demography; continually compares
Islām and Christianity; reflects the controversy about the papal bull
Unigenitus, which was directed against the dissident Catholic group
known as the Jansenists; satirizes Roman Catholic doctrine; and is
infused throughout with a new spirit of vigorous, disrespectful, and
iconoclastic criticism. The work’s anonymity was soon penetrated, and
Montesquieu became famous. The new ideas fermenting in Paris had
received their most scintillating expression.
Montesquieu now sought to reinforce his literary achievement with
social success. Going to Paris in 1722, he was assisted in entering
court circles by the Duke of Berwick, the exiled Stuart prince whom he
had known when Berwick was military governor at Bordeaux. The tone of
life at court was set by the rakish regent, the Duc d’Orléans, and
Montesquieu did not disdain its dissipations. It was during this period
that he made the acquaintance of the English politician Viscount
Bolingbroke, whose political views were later to be reflected in
Montesquieu’s analysis of the English constitution.
In Paris his interest in the routine activities of the Parlement in
Bordeaux, however, had dwindled. He resented seeing that his
intellectual inferiors were more successful than he in court. His office
was marketable, and in 1726 he sold it, a move that served both to
reestablish his fortunes, depleted by life in the capital, and to assist
him, by lending colour to his claim to be resident in Paris, in his
attempt to enter the Académie Française. A vacancy there arose in
October 1727. Montesquieu had powerful supporters, with Madame de
Lambert’s salon firmly pressing his claims, and he was elected, taking
his seat on Jan. 24, 1728.
This official recognition of his talent might have caused him to
remain in Paris to enjoy it. On the contrary, though older than most
noblemen starting on the grand tour, he resolved to complete his
education by foreign travel. Leaving his wife at La Brède with full
powers over the estate, he set off for Vienna in April 1728, with Lord
Waldegrave, nephew of Berwick and lately British ambassador in Paris, as
travelling companion. He wrote an account of his travels as interesting
as any other of the 18th century. In Vienna he met the soldier and
statesman Prince Eugene of Savoy and discussed French politics with him.
He made a surprising detour into Hungary to examine the mines. He
entered Italy, and, after tasting the pleasures of Venice, proceeded to
visit most of the other cities. Conscientiously examining the galleries
of Florence, notebook in hand, he developed his aesthetic sense. In Rome
he heard the French minister Cardinal Polignac and read his unpublished
Latin poem Anti-Lucretius. In Naples he skeptically witnessed the
liquefaction of the blood of the city’s patron saint. From Italy he
moved through Germany to Holland and thence (at the end of October
1729), in the company of the statesman and wit Lord Chesterfield, to
England, where he remained until the spring of 1731.
Montesquieu had a wide circle of acquaintances in England. He was
presented at court, and he was received by the Prince of Wales, at whose
request he later made an anthology of French songs. He became a close
friend of the dukes of Richmond and Montagu. He was elected a Fellow of
the Royal Society. He attended parliamentary debates and read the
political journals of the day. He became a Freemason. He bought
extensively for his library. His stay in England was one of the most
formative periods of his life.
Major works.
During his travels Montesquieu did not avoid the social pleasures that
he had sought in Paris, but his serious ambitions were strengthened. He
thought for a time of a diplomatic career but on his return to France
decided to devote himself to literature. He hastened to La Brède and
remained there, working for two years. Apart from a tiny but
controversial treatise on La Monarchie universelle, printed in 1734 but
at once withdrawn (so that only his own copy is extant), he was occupied
with an essay on the English constitution (not published until 1748,
when it became part of his major work) and with his Considérations sur
les causes de la grandeur des Romains et de leur décadence (1734;
Reflections on the Causes of the Grandeur and Declension of the Romans,
1734). He had thought of publishing the two together, thus following an
English tradition, for, as Voltaire said, the English delighted in
comparing themselves with the Romans.
Montesquieu’s literary ambitions were far from exhausted. He had for
some time been meditating the project of a major work on law and
politics. After the publication of the Considérations, he rested for a
short time and then, undismayed by failing eyesight, applied himself to
this new and immense task. He undertook an extensive program of reading
in law, history, economics, geography, and political theory, filling
with his notes a large number of volumes, of which only one survives,
Geographica, tome II. He employed a succession of secretaries, sometimes
as many as six simultaneously, using them as readers and as amanuenses,
but not as précis writers. An effort of this magnitude was entirely
foreign to what was publicly known of his character, for he was
generally looked on as brilliant, rapid, and superficial. He did not
seek to disabuse the world at large. Only a small number of friends knew
what he was engaged in. He worked much at La Brède, devoting himself
also to the administration of his estates and to the maintenance of his
privileges as a landed proprietor. But he continued to visit Paris and
to enjoy its social life. He kept there a second library and also made
use of the Bibliothèque du Roi. He attended the Académie, visited the
salons, and enjoyed meeting Italian and English visitors. At the same
time he persistently, unostentatiously pressed on with the preparation
of the book that he knew would be a masterpiece. By 1740 its main lines
were established and a great part of it was written. By 1743 the text
was virtually complete, and he began the first of two thorough and
detailed revisions, which occupied him until December 1746. The actual
preparation for the press was at hand. A Geneva publisher, J. Barrillot,
was selected, further corrections were made, several new chapters were
written and in November 1748 the work appeared under the title De
l’esprit des loix, ou du rapport que les loix doivent avoir avec la
constitution de chaque gouvernement, les moeurs, le climat, la religion,
le commerce, etc. (The Spirit of Laws, 1750). It consisted of two quarto
volumes, comprising 31 books in 1,086 pages.
L’Esprit des lois is one of the great works in the history of
political theory and in the history of jurisprudence. Its author had
acquainted himself with all previous schools of thought but identified
himself with none. Of the multiplicity of subjects treated by
Montesquieu, none remained unadorned. His treatment of three was
particularly memorable.
The first of these is his classification of governments, a subject
that was de rigueur for a political theorist. Abandoning the classical
divisions of his predecessors into monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy,
Montesquieu produced his own analysis and assigned to each form of
government an animating principle: the republic, based on virtue; the
monarchy, based on honour; and despotism, based on fear. His definitions
show that this classification rests not on the location of political
power but on the government’s manner of conducting policy; it involves a
historical and not a narrow descriptive approach.
The second of his most noted arguments, the theory of the separation
of powers, is treated differently. Dividing political authority into the
legislative, executive, and judicial powers, he asserted that, in the
state that most effectively promotes liberty, these three powers must be
confided to different individuals or bodies, acting independently. His
model of such a state was England, which he saw from the point of view
of the Tory opposition to the Whig leader, Robert Walpole, as expressed
in Bolingbroke’s polemical writings. The chapter in which he expressed
this doctrine—book xi, chapter 6, the most famous of the entire book—had
lain in his drawers, save for revision or correction, since it was
penned in 1734. It at once became perhaps the most important piece of
political writing of the 18th century. Though its accuracy has in more
recent times been disputed, in its own century it was admired and held
authoritative, even in England; it inspired the Declaration of the
Rights of Man and the Constitution of the United States.
The third of Montesquieu’s most celebrated doctrines is that of the
political influence of climate. Basing himself on doctrines met in his
reading, on the experience of his travels, and on experiments—admittedly
somewhat naive—conducted at Bordeaux, he stressed the effect of climate,
primarily thinking of heat and cold, on the physical frame of the
individual, and, as a consequence, on the intellectual outlook of
society. This influence, he claims, is not, save in primitive societies,
insuperable. It is the legislator’s duty to counteract it. Montesquieu
took care (as his critics have not always realized) to insist that
climate is but one of many factors in an assembly of secondary causes
that he called the “general spirit.” The other factors (laws, religion,
and maxims of government being the most important) are of a nonphysical
nature, and their influence, compared with that of climate, grows as
civilization advances.
Society for Montesquieu must be considered as a whole. Religion
itself is a social phenomenon, whether considered as a cause or as an
effect, and the utility or harmfulness of any faith can be discussed in
complete independence of the truth of its doctrines. Here and elsewhere,
undogmatic observation was Montesquieu’s preferred method. Sometimes the
reader is beguiled by this into the belief that Montesquieu maintains
that whatever exists, though it may indeed stand in need of improvement,
cannot be wholly bad. Although with a bold parenthesis or a rapid
summing-up the reader is reminded that for Montesquieu certain things
are intrinsically evil: despotism, slavery, intolerance. Though he never
attempted an enumeration of the rights of man and would probably have
disapproved of such an attempt, he maintained a firm belief in human
dignity.
In the final books of L’Esprit des lois, added at the last moment and
imperfectly assimilated to the rest, he addressed himself to the history
of law, seeking to explain the division of France into the two zones of
written and customary law, and made his contribution to the much
discussed controversy about the origins of the French aristocracy. Here
he displays not only prudence and common sense, but also a real
scholarly capacity, which he had not shown before, for the philological
handling of textual evidence.
After the book was published, praise came to Montesquieu from the
most varied headquarters. The Scottish philosopher David Hume wrote from
London that the work would win the admiration of all the ages; an
Italian friend spoke of reading it in an ecstasy of admiration; the
Swiss scientist Charles Bonnet said that Montesquieu had discovered the
laws of the intellectual world as Newton had those of the physical
world. The philosophers of the Enlightenment accepted him as one of
their own, as indeed he was. The work was controversial, however, and a
variety of denunciatory articles amd pamphlets appeared. Attacks made in
the Sorbonne and in the general assembly of the French clergy were
deflected, but in Rome, in spite of the intervention of the French
ambassador and of several liberal-minded high ecclesiastics and
notwithstanding the favourable disposition of the Pope himself,
Montesquieu’s enemies were successful, and the work was placed on the
Index Librorum Prohibitorum in 1751. This, though it dismayed
Montesquieu, was but a momentary setback. He had already published his
Défense de L’Esprit des lois (1750). Subtle and good-humoured, but
forceful and incisive, this was the most brilliantly written of all his
works. His fame was now worldwide.
Last years.
Renown lay lightly on his shoulders. His affability and modesty are
commented on by all who met him. He was a faithful friend, kind and
helpful to young and unestablished men of letters, witty, though
absent-minded, in society. It was to be expected that the editors of the
Encyclopédie should wish to have his collaboration, and d’Alembert asked
him to write on democracy and despotism. Montesquieu declined, saying
that he had already had his say on those themes but would like to write
on taste. The resultant Essai sur le goût (Essay on Taste), first
drafted about 25 years earlier, was his last work.
Robert Shackleton
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Voltaire
"Candide"
Illustrations
Jean-Michel Moreau le Jeune
"Age of Louis XIV"

French philosopher and author
pseudonym of François-Marie Arouet
born Nov. 21, 1694, Paris, France
died May 30, 1778, Paris
Main
one of the greatest of all French writers. Although only a few of his
works are still read, he continues to be held in worldwide repute as a
courageous crusader against tyranny, bigotry, and cruelty. Through its
critical capacity, wit, and satire, Voltaire’s work vigorously
propagates an ideal of progress to which people of all nations have
remained responsive. His long life spanned the last years of classicism
and the eve of the revolutionary era, and during this age of transition
his works and activities influenced the direction taken by European
civilization.
Heritage and youth
Voltaire’s background was middle class. According to his birth
certificate he was born on November 21, 1694, but the hypothesis that
his birth was kept secret cannot be dismissed, for he stated on several
occasions that in fact it took place on February 20. He believed that he
was the son of an officer named Rochebrune, who was also a songwriter.
He had no love for either his putative father, François Arouet, a
onetime notary who later became receiver in the Cour des Comptes (audit
office), or his elder brother Armand. Almost nothing is known about his
mother of whom he hardly said anything. Having lost her when he was
seven, he seems to have become an early rebel against family authority.
He attached himself to his godfather, the Abbé de Châteauneuf, a
freethinker and epicurean who presented the boy to the famous courtesan
Ninon de Lenclos when she was in her 84th year. It is doubtless that he
owed his positive outlook and his sense of reality to his bourgeois
origins.
He attended the Jesuit college of Louis-le-Grand in Paris, where he
learned to love literature, the theatre, and social life. While he
appreciated the classical taste the college instilled in him, the
religious instruction of the fathers served only to arouse his
skepticism and mockery. He witnessed the last sad years of Louis XIV and
was never to forget the distress and the military disasters of 1709 nor
the horrors of religious persecution. He retained, however, a degree of
admiration for the sovereign, and he remained convinced that the
enlightened kings are the indispensable agents of progress.
He decided against the study of law after he left college. Employed
as secretary at the French embassy in The Hague, he became infatuated
with the daughter of an adventurer. Fearing scandal, the French
ambassador sent him back to Paris. Despite his father’s wishes, he
wanted to devote himself wholly to literature, and he frequented the
Temple, then the centre of free-thinking society. After the death of
Louis XIV, under the morally relaxed Regency, Voltaire became the wit of
Parisian society, and his epigrams were widely quoted. But when he dared
to mock the dissolute regent, the Duc d’Orléans, he was banished from
Paris and then imprisoned in the Bastille for nearly a year (1717).
Behind his cheerful facade, he was fundamentally serious and set himself
to learn the accepted literary forms. In 1718, after the success of
Oedipe, the first of his tragedies, he was acclaimed as the successor of
the great classical dramatist Jean Racine and thenceforward adopted the
name of Voltaire. The origin of this pen name remains doubtful. It is
not certain that it is the anagram of Arouet le jeune (i.e., the
younger). Above all he desired to be the Virgil that France had never
known. He worked at an epic poem whose hero was Henry IV, the king
beloved by the French people for having put an end to the wars of
religion. This Henriade is spoiled by its pedantic imitation of Virgil’s
Aeneid, but his contemporaries saw only the generous ideal of tolerance
that inspired the poem. These literary triumphs earned him a pension
from the regent and the warm approval of the young queen, Marie. He thus
began his career of court poet.
United with other thinkers of his day—literary men and scientists—in
the belief in the efficacy of reason, Voltaire was a Philosophe, as the
18th century termed it. In the salons he professed an aggressive Deism,
which scandalized the devout. He became interested in England, the
country that tolerated freedom of thought; he visited the Tory leader
Viscount Bolingbroke, exiled in France—a politician, an orator, and a
philosopher whom Voltaire admired to the point of comparing him to
Cicero. On Bolingbroke’s advice he learned English in order to read the
philosophical works of John Locke. His intellectual development was
furthered by an accident: as the result of a quarrel with a member of
one of the leading French families, the Chevalier de Rohan, who had made
fun of his adopted name, he was beaten up, taken to the Bastille, and
then conducted to Calais on May 5, 1726, from where he set out for
London. His destiny was now exile and opposition.
Exile to England
During a stay that lasted more than two years he succeeded in learning
the English language; he wrote his notebooks in English and to the end
of his life he was able to speak and write it fluently. He met such
English men of letters as Alexander Pope, Jonathan Swift, and William
Congreve, the philosopher George Berkeley, and Samuel Clarke, the
theologian. He was presented at court, and he dedicated his Henriade to
Queen Caroline. Though at first he was patronized by Bolingbroke, who
had returned from exile, it appears that he quarrelled with the Tory
leader and turned to Sir Robert Walpole and the liberal Whigs. He
admired the liberalism of English institutions, though he was shocked by
the partisan violence. He envied English intrepidity in the discussion
of religious and philosophic questions and was particularly interested
in the Quakers. He was convinced that it was because of their personal
liberty that the English, notably Sir Isaac Newton and John Locke, were
in the forefront of scientific thought. He believed that this nation of
merchants and sailors owed its victories over Louis XIV to its economic
advantages. He concluded that even in literature France had something to
learn from England; his experience of Shakespearean theatre was
overwhelming, and, however much he was shocked by the “barbarism” of the
productions, he was struck by the energy of the characters and the
dramatic force of the plots.
Return to France
He returned to France at the end of 1728 or the beginning of 1729 and
decided to present England as a model to his compatriots. His social
position was consolidated. By judicious speculation he began to build up
the vast fortune that guaranteed his independence. He attempted to
revive tragedy by discreetly imitating Shakespeare. Brutus, begun in
London and accompanied by a Discours à milord Bolingbroke, was scarcely
a success in 1730; La Mort de César was played only in a college (1735);
in Eriphyle (1732) the apparition of a ghost, as in Hamlet, was booed by
the audience. Zaïre, however, was a resounding success. The play, in
which the sultan Orosmane, deceived by an ambiguous letter, stabs his
prisoner, the devoted Christian-born Zaïre, in a fit of jealousy,
captivated the public with its exotic subject.
At the same time, Voltaire had turned to a new literary genre:
history. In London he had made the acquaintance of Fabrice, a former
companion of the Swedish king Charles XII. The interest he felt for the
extraordinary character of this great soldier impelled him to write his
life, Histoire de Charles XII (1731), a carefully documented historical
narrative that reads like a novel. Philosophic ideas began to impose
themselves as he wrote: the King of Sweden’s exploits brought
desolation, whereas his rival Peter the Great brought Russia into being,
bequeathing a vast, civilized empire. Great men are not warmongers; they
further civilization—a conclusion that tallied with the example of
England. It was this line of thought that Voltaire brought to fruition,
after prolonged meditation, in a work of incisive brevity: the Lettres
philosophiques (1734). These fictitious letters are primarily a
demonstration of the benign effects of religious toleration. They
contrast the wise Empiricist psychology of Locke with the conjectural
lucubrations of René Descartes. A philosopher worthy of the name, such
as Newton, disdains empty, a priori speculations; he observes the facts
and reasons from them. After elucidating the English political system,
its commerce, its literature, and the Shakespeare almost unknown to
France, Voltaire concludes with an attack on the French mathematician
and religious philosopher Pascal: the purpose of life is not to reach
heaven through penitence but to assure happiness to all men by progress
in the sciences and the arts, a fulfillment for which their nature is
destined. This small, brilliant book is a landmark in the history of
thought: not only does it embody the philosophy of the 18th century, but
it also defines the essential direction of the modern mind.
Life with Mme du Châtelet
Scandal followed publication of this work that spoke out so frankly
against the religious and political establishment. When a warrant of
arrest was issued in May of 1734, Voltaire took refuge in the château of
Mme du Châtelet at Cirey in Champagne and thus began his liaison with
this young, remarkably intelligent woman. He lived with her in the
château he had renovated at his own expense. This period of retreat was
interrupted only by a journey to the Low Countries in December 1736—an
exile of a few weeks became advisable after the circulation of a short,
daringly epicurean poem called “Le Mondain.”
The life these two lived together was both luxurious and studious.
After Adélaïde du Guesclin (1734), a play about a national tragedy, he
brought Alzire to the stage in 1736 with great success. The action of
Alzire-in Lima, Peru, at the time of the Spanish conquest—brings out the
moral superiority of a humanitarian civilization over methods of brute
force. Despite the conventional portrayal of “noble savages,” the
tragedy kept its place in the repertory of the Comédie-Française for
almost a century. Mme du Châtelet was passionately drawn to the sciences
and metaphysics and influenced Voltaire’s work in that direction. A
“gallery” or laboratory of the physical sciences was installed at the
château, and they composed a memorandum on the nature of fire for a
meeting of the Académie des Sciences. While Mme du Châtelet was learning
English in order to translate Newton and The Fable of the Bees of
Bernard de Mandeville, Voltaire popularized, in his Éléments de la
philosophie de Newton (1738), those discoveries of English science that
were familiar only to a few advanced minds in France, such as the
astronomer and mathematician Pierre-Louis de Maupertuis. At the same
time, he continued to pursue his historical studies. He began Le Siècle
de Louis XIV, sketched out a universal history of kings, wars,
civilization and manners that became the Essai sur les moeurs, and
plunged into biblical exegesis. Mme du Châtelet herself wrote an Examen,
highly critical of the two Testaments. It was at Cirey that Voltaire,
rounding out his scientific knowledge, acquired the encyclopaedic
culture that was one of the outstanding facets of his genius.
Because of a lawsuit, he followed Mme du Châtelet to Brussels in May
1739, and thereafter they were constantly on the move between Belgium,
Cirey, and Paris. Voltaire corresponded with the crown prince of
Prussia, who, rebelling against his father’s rigid system of military
training and education, had taken refuge in French culture. When the
prince acceded to the throne as Frederick II (the Great), Voltaire
visited his disciple first at Cleves (Kleve, Germany), then at Berlin.
When the War of the Austrian Succession broke out, Voltaire was sent to
Berlin (1742–43) on a secret mission to rally the King of Prussia—who
was proving himself a faithless ally—to the assistance of the French
Army. Such services—as well as his introduction of his friends the
brothers d’Argenson, who became ministers of war and foreign affairs,
respectively, to the protection of Mme de Pompadour, the mistress of
Louis XV—brought him into favour again at Versailles. After his poem
celebrating the victory of Fontenoy (1745), he was appointed
historiographer, gentleman of the king’s chamber, and academician. His
tragedy Mérope, about the mythical Greek queen, won public acclaim on
the first night (1743). The performance of Mahomet, in which Voltaire
presented the founder of Islām as an imposter, was forbidden, however,
after its successful production in 1742. He amassed a vast fortune
through the manipulations of Joseph Pâris Duverney, the financier in
charge of military supplies, who was favoured by Mme de Pompadour. In
this ambience of well-being, he began a liaison with his niece Mme
Denis, a charming widow, without breaking off his relationship with Mme
du Châtelet.
Yet he was not spared disappointments. Louis XV disliked him, and the
pious Catholic faction at court remained acutely hostile. He was guilty
of indiscretions. When Mme du Châtelet lost large sums at the Queen’s
gaming table, he said to her in English: “You are playing with
card-sharpers”; the phrase was understood, and he was forced to go into
hiding at the country mansion as the guest of the Duchesse du Maine in
1747. Ill and exhausted by his restless existence, he at last discovered
the literary form that ideally fitted his lively and disillusioned
temper: he wrote his first contes (stories). Micromégas (1752) measures
the littleness of man in the cosmic scale; Vision de Babouc (1748) and
Memnon (1749) dispute the philosophic optimism of Gottfried Wilhelm
Leibniz and Alexander Pope. Zadig (1747) is a kind of allegorical
autobiography: like Voltaire, the Babylonian sage Zadig suffers
persecution, is pursued by ill fortune, and ends by doubting the tender
care of Providence for human beings.
The great crisis of his life was drawing near. In 1748 at Commercy,
where he had joined the court of Stanisław (the former king of Poland),
he detected the love affair of Mme du Châtelet and the poet
Saint-Lambert, a slightly ludicrous passion that ended tragically. On
September 10, 1749, he witnessed the death in childbirth of this
uncommonly intelligent woman who for 15 years had been his guide and
counsellor. He returned in despair to the house in Paris where they had
lived together; he rose in the night and wandered in the darkness,
calling her name.
Later travels
The failure of some of his plays aggravated his sense of defeat. He had
attempted the comédie larmoyante, or “sentimental comedy,” that was then
fashionable: after L’Enfant prodigue (1736), a variation of the prodigal
son theme, he adapted William Wycherley’s satiric Restoration drama The
Plain-Dealer to his purpose, entitling it La Prude; he based Nanine
(1749) on a situation taken from Samuel Richardson’s novel Pamela, but
all without success. The court spectacles he directed gave him a taste
for scenic effects, and he contrived a sumptuous decor, as well as the
apparition of a ghost, for Sémiramis (1748), but his public was not
captivated. His enemies compared him with Prosper Jolyot, sieur de
Crébillon, who was pre-eminent among French writers of tragedy at this
time. Though Voltaire used the same subjects as his rival (Oreste,
Sémiramis), the Parisian audience preferred the plays of Crébillon.
Exasperated and disappointed, he yielded to the pressing invitation of
Frederick II and set out for Berlin on June 28, 1750.
At the moment of his departure a new literary generation, reacting
against the ideas and tastes to which he remained faithful, was coming
to the fore in France. Disseminators of the philosophical ideas of the
time, such as Denis Diderot, Baron d’Holbach, and their friends, were
protagonists of a thoroughgoing Materialism and regarded Voltaire’s
Deism as too timid. Others had rediscovered with Jean-Jacques Rousseau
the poetry of Christianity. All in fact preferred the charm of sentiment
and passion to the enlightenment of reason. As the years passed,
Voltaire became increasingly more isolated in his glory.
At first he was enchanted by his sojourn in Berlin and Potsdam, but
soon difficulties arose. After a lawsuit with a moneylender, and
quarrels with prominent noblemen, he started a controversy with
Maupertuis (the president of Frederick’s academy of science, the Berlin
Academy) on scientific matters. In a pamphlet entitled “Diatribe du
docteur Akakia” (1752), he covered him with ridicule. The King, enraged,
consigned “Akakia” to the flames and gave its author a thorough dressing
down. Voltaire left Prussia on March 26, 1753, leaving Frederick
exasperated and determined to punish him. On the journey he was held
under house arrest at an inn at Frankfurt, by order of the Prussian
resident. Louis XV forbade him to approach Paris. Not knowing where to
turn, he stayed at Colmar for more than a year. At length he found
asylum at Geneva, where he purchased a house called Les Délices, at the
same time securing winter quarters at Lausanne.
He now completed his two major historical studies. Le Siècle de Louis
XIV (1751), a book on the century of Louis XIV, had been prepared after
an exhaustive 20-year interrogation of the survivors of le grand siècle.
Voltaire was particularly concerned to establish the truth by collecting
evidence from as many witnesses as possible, evidence that he submitted
to exacting criticism. His desire was to write the nation’s history by
means of an examination of its arts and sciences and of its social life,
but military events and politics still occupy a large place in his
survey. The Essai sur les moeurs, the study on customs and morals that
he had begun in 1740 (first complete edition, 1756), traced the course
of world history since the end of the Roman Empire and gave an important
place to the Eastern and Far Eastern countries. Voltaire’s object was to
show humanity slowly developing beyond barbarism. He supplemented these
two works with one on Russian history during the reign of Peter the
Great, Histoire de l’empire de Russie sous Pierre le Grand (1759–63),
the Philosophie de l’histoire (1765), and the Précis du siècle de Louis
XV (1768).
At Geneva, he had at first been welcomed and honoured as the champion
of tolerance. But soon he made those around him feel uneasy. At Les
Délices his presentation of plays was stopped, in accordance with the
law of the republic of Geneva, which forbade both public and private
theatre performances. Then there was his mock-heroic poem “La Pucelle”
(1755), a most improper presentation of Joan of Arc (La Pucelle
d’Orléans), which the booksellers printed in spite of his protests.
Attracted by his volatile intelligence, Calvinist pastors as well as
women and young people thronged to his salon. Yet he soon provoked the
hostility of important Swiss intellectuals. The storm broke in November
1757, when volume seven of Diderot’s Encyclopédie was published.
Voltaire had inspired the article on Geneva that his fellow philosopher
Jean d’Alembert had written after a visit to Les Délices; not only was
the city of Calvin asked to build a theatre within its walls but also
certain of its pastors were praised for their doubts of Christ’s
divinity. The scandal sparked a quick response: the Encyclopédie was
forced to interrupt publication, and Rousseau attacked the rational
philosophy of the Philosophes in general in a polemical treatise on the
question of the morality of theatrical performances, Lettre à d’Alembert
sur les spectacles (1758). Rousseau’s view that drama might well be
abolished marked a final break between the two writers.
Voltaire no longer felt safe in Geneva, and he longed to retire from
these quarrels. In 1758 he wrote what was to be his most famous work,
Candide. In this philosophical fantasy, the youth Candide, disciple of
Doctor Pangloss (himself a disciple of the philosophical optimism of
Leibniz), saw and suffered such misfortune that he was unable to believe
that this was “the best of all possible worlds.” Having retired with his
companions to the shores of the Propontis, he discovered that the secret
of happiness was “to cultivate one’s garden,” a practical philosophy
excluding excessive idealism and nebulous metaphysics. Voltaire’s own
garden became Ferney, a property he bought at the end of 1758, together
with Tourney in France, on the Swiss border. By crossing the frontier he
could thus safeguard himself against police incursion from either
country.
Achievements at Ferney
At Ferney, Voltaire entered on one of the most active periods of his
life. Both patriarch and lord of the manor, he developed a modern
estate, sharing in the movement of agricultural reform in which the
aristocracy was interested at the time. He could not be true to himself,
however, without stirring up village feuds and went before the
magistrates on a question of tithes, as well as about the beating of one
of his workmen. He renovated the church and had Deo erexit Voltaire
(“Voltaire erected this to God”) carved on the facade. At Easter
Communion, 1762, he delivered a sermon on stealing and drunkenness and
repeated this sacrilegious offense in the following year, flouting the
prohibition by the bishop of Annecy, in whose jurisdiction Ferney lay.
He meddled in Genevan politics, taking the side of the workers (or
natifs, those without civil rights), and installed a stocking factory
and watchworks on his estate in order to help them. He called for the
liberation of serfs in the Jura, but without success, though he did
succeed in suppressing the customs barrier on the road between Gex in
the Jura and Geneva, the natural outlet for the produce of Gex. Such
generous interventions in local politics earned him enormous popularity.
In 1777 he received a popular acclamation from the people of Ferney. In
1815 the Congress of Vienna halted the annexation of Ferney to
Switzerland in his honour.
His fame was now worldwide. “Innkeeper of Europe”—as he was called—he
welcomed such literary figures as James Boswell, Giovanni Casanova,
Edward Gibbon, the Prince de Ligne, and the fashionable philosophers of
Paris. He kept up an enormous correspondence—with the Philosophes, with
his actresses and actors, and with those high in court circles, such as
the Duc de Richelieu (grandnephew of the Cardinal de Richelieu), the Duc
de Choiseul, and Mme du Barry, Louis XV’s favourite. He renewed his
correspondence with Frederick II and exchanged letters with Catherine II
of Russia.
There was scarcely a subject of importance on which he did not speak.
In his political ideas, he was basically a liberal, though he also
admired the authority of those kings who imposed progressive measures on
their people. On the question of fossils, he entered into foolhardy
controversy with the famous French naturalist Comte de Buffon. On the
other hand, he declared himself a partisan of the Italian scientist Abbé
Lazzaro Spallanzani against the hypothesis of spontaneous generation,
according to which microscopic organisms are generated spontaneously in
organic substances. He busied himself with political economy and revived
his interest in metaphysics by absorbing the ideas of 17th-century
philosophers Benedict de Spinoza and Nicolas Malebranche.
His main interest at this time, however, was his opposition to
l’infâme, a word he used to designate the church, especially when it was
identified with intolerance. For mankind’s future he envisaged a simple
theism, reinforcing the civil power of the state. He believed this end
was being achieved when, about 1770, the courts of Paris, Vienna, and
Madrid came into conflict with the pope; but this was to misjudge the
solidarity of ecclesiastical institutions and the people’s loyalty to
the traditional faith. Voltaire’s beliefs prompted a prodigious number
of polemical writings. He multiplied his personal attacks, often
stooping to low cunning; in his sentimental comedy L’Écossaise (1760),
he mimicked the eminent critic Élie Fréron, who had attacked him in
reviews, by portraying his adversary as a rascally journalist who
intervenes in a quarrel between two Scottish families. He directed Le
Sentiment des Citoyens (1764) against Rousseau. In this anonymous
pamphlet, which supposedly expressed the opinion of the Genevese,
Voltaire, who was well informed, revealed to the public that Rousseau
had abandoned his children. As author he used all kinds of pseudonyms:
Rabbi Akib, Pastor Bourn, Lord Bolingbroke, M. Mamaki “interpreter of
Oriental languages to the king of England,” Clocpitre, Cubstorf, Jean
Plokof—a nonstop performance of puppets. As a part-time scholar he
constructed a personal Encyclopédie, the Dictionnaire philosophique
(1764), enlarged after 1770 by Questions sur l’Encyclopédie. Among the
mass of writings of this period are Le Blanc et le noir (“The White and
the Black”), a philosophical tale in which Oriental fantasy contrasts
with the realism of Jeannot et Colin; Princesse de Babylone, a panorama
of European philosophies in the fairyland of The Thousand and One
Nights; and Le Taureau blanc, a biblical tale.
Again and again Voltaire returned to his chosen themes: the
establishment of religious tolerance, the growth of material prosperity,
respect for the rights of man by the abolition of torture and useless
punishments. These principles were brought into play when he intervened
in some of the notorious public scandals of these years. For instance,
when the Protestant Jean Calas, a merchant of Toulouse accused of having
murdered his son in order to prevent his conversion to the Roman
Catholic Church, was broken on the wheel while protesting his innocence
(March 10, 1762), Voltaire, livid with anger, took up the case and by
his vigorous intervention obtained the vindication of the unfortunate
Calas and the indemnification of the family. But he was less successful
in a dramatic affair concerning the 19-year-old Chevalier de La Barre,
who was beheaded for having insulted a religious procession and damaging
a crucifix (July 1, 1766). Public opinion was distressed by such
barbarity, but it was Voltaire who protested actively, suggesting that
the Philosophes should leave French territory and settle in the town of
Cleves offered them by Frederick II. Although he failed to obtain even a
review of this scandalous trial, he was able to reverse other judicial
errors.
By such means he retained leadership of the philosophic movement. On
the other hand, as a writer, he wanted to halt a development he
deplored—that which led to Romanticism. He tried to save theatrical
tragedy by making concessions to a public that adored scenes of violence
and exoticism. For instance, in L’Orphelin de la Chine (1755), Lekain
(Henri-Louis Cain), who played the part of Genghis Khan, was clad in a
sensational Mongol costume. Lekain, whom Voltaire considered the
greatest tragedian of his time, also played the title role of Tancrède,
which was produced with a sumptuous decor (1760) and which proved to be
Voltaire’s last triumph. Subsequent tragedies, arid and ill-constructed
and overweighted with philosophic propaganda, were either booed off the
stage or not produced at all. He became alarmed at the increasing
influence of Shakespeare; when he gave a home to a grandniece of the
great 17th-century classical dramatist Pierre Corneille and on her
behalf published an annotated edition of the famous tragic author, he
inserted, after Cinna, a translation of Julius Caesar, convinced that
such a confrontation would demonstrate the superiority of the French
dramatist. He was infuriated by the Shakespearean translations of Pierre
Le Tourneur in 1776, which stimulated French appreciation of this more
robust, nonclassical dramatist, and dispatched an abusive Lettre à
l’Académie. He never ceased to acknowledge a degree of genius in
Shakespeare, yet spoke of him as “a drunken savage.” He returned to a
strict classicism in his last plays, but in vain, for the audacities of
his own previous tragedies, timid as they were, had paved the way for
Romantic drama.
It was the theatre that brought him back to Paris in 1778. Wishing to
direct the rehearsals of Irène, he made his triumphal return to the city
he had not seen for 28 years on February 10. More than 300 persons
called on him the day after his arrival. On March 30 he went to the
Académie amid acclamations, and, when Irène was played before a
delirious audience, he was crowned in his box. His health was profoundly
impaired by all this excitement. On May 18 he was stricken with uremia.
He suffered much pain on his deathbed, about which absurd legends were
quickly fabricated; on May 30 he died, peacefully it seems. His nephew,
the Abbé Mignot, had his body, clothed just as it was, swiftly
transported to the Abbey of Scellières, where he was given Christian
burial by the local clergy; the prohibition of such burial arrived after
the ceremony. His remains were transferred to the Panthéon during the
Revolution in July 1791.
Assessment
Voltaire’s name has always evoked vivid reactions. Toward the end of his
life he was attacked by the followers of Rousseau, and after 1800 he was
held responsible for the Revolution. But the excesses of clerical
reactionaries under the Restoration and the Second Empire rallied the
middle and working classes to his memory. At the end of the 19th
century, though conservative critics remained hostile, scientific
research into his life and works was given impetus by Gustave Lanson.
Voltaire himself did not hope that all his vast quantity of writings
would be remembered by posterity. His epic poems and lyrical verse are
virtually dead, as are his plays. But his contes are continually
republished, and his letters are regarded as one of the great monuments
of French literature. He bequeathed a lesson to humanity, which has lost
nothing of its value. He taught his readers to think clearly; his was a
mind at once precise and generous. “He is the necessary philosopher,”
wrote Lanson, “in a world of bureaucrats, engineers, and producers.”
René Henry Pomeau
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Denis Diderot
"Rameau's Nephew"

French philosopher
born October 5, 1713, Langres, France
died July 31, 1784, Paris
Main
French man of letters and philosopher who, from 1745 to 1772, served as
chief editor of the Encyclopédie, one of the principal works of the Age
of Enlightenment.
Youth and marriage
Diderot was the son of a widely respected master cutler. He was tonsured
in 1726, though he did not in fact enter the church, and was first
educated by the Jesuits at Langres. From 1729 to 1732 he studied in
Paris at the Collège d’Harcourt or at the Lycée Louis-le-Grand or
possibly at both these institutions, and he was awarded the degree of
master of arts in the University of Paris on Sept. 2, 1732. He then
studied law as an articled clerk in the office of Clément de Ris but was
more interested in languages, literature, philosophy, and higher
mathematics. Of his life in the period 1734 to 1744 comparatively little
is known. He dropped an early ambition to enter the theatre and,
instead, taught for a living, led a penurious existence as a publisher’s
hack, and wrote sermons for missionaries at 50 écus each. At one time he
seems to have entertained the idea of taking up an ecclesiastical
career, but it is most unlikely that he entered a seminary. Yet his work
testifies to his having gone through a religious crisis, and he
progressed relatively slowly from Roman Catholicism to deism and then to
atheism and philosophical materialism. That he led a disordered and
bohemian existence at this time is made clear in his posthumously
published novel, Le Neveu de Rameau (Rameau’s Nephew). He frequented the
coffeehouses, particularly the Régence and the Procope, where he met the
philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau in 1741 and established a friendship
with him that was to last for 15 years, until it was broken by a
quarrel.
In 1741 he also met Antoinette Champion, daughter of a linendraper,
and in 1743 he married her—secretly, because of his father’s
disapproval. The relationship was based on romantic love, but the
marriage was not a happy one owing to incompatible interests. The bond
held, however, partly through a common affection for their daughter,
Angélique, sole survivor of three children, who was born in 1753 and
whom Diderot eventually married to Albert de Vandeul, a man of some
standing at Langres. Diderot lavished care over her education, and she
eventually wrote a short account of his life and classified his
manuscripts.
Mature career
In order to earn a living, Diderot undertook translation work and in
1745 published a free translation of the Inquiry Concerning Virtue by
the 3rd Earl of Shaftesbury, whose fame and influence he spread in
France. Diderot’s own Pensées philosophiques (1746; Philosophic
Thoughts), an original work with new and explosive anti-Christian ideas
couched in a vivid prose, contains many passages directly translated
from or inspired by Shaftesbury. The proceeds of this publication, as of
his allegedly indecent novel Les Bijoux indiscrets (1748), were used to
meet the demands of his mistress, Madeleine de Puisieux, with whom he
broke a few years later. In 1755 he met Sophie Volland, with whom he
formed an attachment that was to last more than 20 years. The liaison
was founded on common interests, natural sympathy, and a deepening
friendship. His correspondence with Sophie, together with his other
letters, forms one of the most fascinating documents on Diderot’s
personality, enthusiasms, and ideas and on the intellectual society of
Louise d’Épinay, F.M. Grimm, the Baron d’Holbach, Ferdinando Galiani,
and other deistic writers and thinkers (Philosophes) with whom he felt
most at home. Through Rousseau, Diderot met Étienne Bonnot de Condillac,
the philosopher, and for a time the three friends dined together at the
Panier Fleuri.
The Encyclopédie
In 1745 the publisher André Le Breton approached Diderot with a view to
bringing out a French translation of Ephraim Chambers’ Cyclopaedia,
after two other translators had withdrawn from the project. Diderot
undertook the task with the distinguished mathematician Jean Le Rond
d’Alembert as coeditor but soon profoundly changed the nature of the
publication, broadening its scope and turning it into an important organ
of radical and revolutionary opinion. He gathered around him a team of
dedicated litterateurs, scientists, and even priests, many of whom, as
yet unknown, were to make their mark in later life. All were fired with
a common purpose: to further knowledge and, by so doing, strike a
resounding blow against reactionary forces in church and state. As a
dictionnaire raisonné (“rational dictionary”), the Encyclopédie was to
bring out the essential principles and applications of every art and
science. The underlying philosophy was rationalism and a qualified faith
in the progress of the human mind.
In 1749 Diderot published the Lettre sur les aveugles (An Essay on
Blindness), remarkable for its proposal to teach the blind to read
through the sense of touch, along lines that Louis Braille was to follow
in the 19th century, and for the presentation of the first step in his
evolutionary theory of survival by superior adaptation. This daring
exposition of the doctrine of materialist atheism, with its emphasis on
human dependence on sense impression, led to Diderot’s arrest and
incarceration in the prison of Vincennes for three months. Diderot’s
work on the Encyclopédie, however, was not interrupted for long, and in
1750 he outlined his program for it in a Prospectus, which d’Alembert
expanded into the momentous Discours préliminaire (1751). The history of
the Encyclopédie, from the publication of the first volume in 1751 to
the distribution of the final volumes of plates in 1772, was checkered,
but ultimate success was never in doubt. Diderot was undaunted by the
government’s censorship of the work and by the criticism of
conservatives and reactionaries. A critical moment occurred in 1758, on
the publication of the seventh volume, when d’Alembert resigned on
receiving warning of trouble and after reading Rousseau’s attack on his
article “Genève.” Another serious blow came when the philosopher
Helvétius’ book De l’esprit (“On the Mind”), said to be a summary of the
Encyclopédie, was condemned to be burned by the Parlement of Paris, and
the Encyclopédie itself was formally suppressed. Untempted by Voltaire’s
offer to have the publication continued outside France, Diderot held on
in Paris with great tenacity and published the Encyclopédie’s later
volumes surreptitiously. He was deeply wounded, however, by the
discovery in 1764 that Le Breton had secretly removed compromising
material from the corrected proof sheets of about 10 folio volumes. The
censored passages, though of considerable interest, would not have made
an appreciable difference on the impact of the work. To the 17 volumes
of text and 11 volumes of plates (1751–72), Diderot contributed
innumerable articles partly original, partly derived from varied
sources, especially on the history of philosophy (“Eclectisme”
[“Eclecticism”]), social theory (“Droit naturel” [“Natural Law”]),
aesthetics (“Beau” [“The Beautiful”]), and the crafts and industries of
France. He was moreover an energetic general director and supervised the
illustrations for 3,000 to 4,000 plates of exceptional quality, which
are still prized by historians today. Philosophical and scientific
works. While editing the Encyclopédie, Diderot managed to compose most
of his own important works as well. In 1751 he published his Lettre sur
les sourds et muets (“Letter on the Deaf and Dumb”), which studies the
function of language and deals with points of aesthetics, and in 1754 he
published the Pensées sur l’interprétation de la nature (“Thoughts on
the Interpretation of Nature”), an influential short treatise on the new
experimental methods in science. Diderot published few other works in
his lifetime, however. His writings, in manuscript form, were known only
to his friends and the privileged correspondents of the Correspondance
littéraire, a sort of private newspaper edited by Baron Grimm that was
circulated in manuscript form. The posthumous publication of these
manuscripts, among which are several bold and original works in the
sciences, philosophy, and literature, have made Diderot more highly
appreciated in the 20th century than he was in France during his
lifetime.
Among his philosophical works, special mention may be made of
L’Entretien entre d’Alembert et Diderot (written 1769, published 1830;
“Conversation Between d’Alembert and Diderot”), Le Rêve de d’Alembert
(written 1769, published 1830; “D’Alembert’s Dream”), and the Eléments
de physiologie (1774–80). In these works Diderot developed his
materialist philosophy and arrived at startling intuitive insights into
biology and chemistry; in speculating on the origins of life without
divine intervention, for instance, he foreshadowed the evolutionary
theories of Charles Darwin and put forth a strikingly prophetic picture
of the cellular structure of matter. Though Diderot’s speculations in
the field of science are of great interest, it is the dialectical
brilliance of their presentation that is exceptional. His ideas, often
propounded in the form of paradox, and invariably in dialogue, stem from
a sense of life’s ambiguities and a profound understanding of the
complexities and contradictions inherent in human nature.
Novels, dialogues, and plays
Four works of prose fiction by Diderot were published posthumously: the
novel La Religieuse (written 1760, published 1796; The Nun); the novel
Jacques le fataliste et son maître (written 1773, published 1796;
Jacques the Fatalist); Le Neveu de Rameau (written between 1761 and
1774, published in German 1805; Rameau’s Nephew), a character sketch in
dialogue form; and Supplément au voyage de Bougainville (written 1772,
published 1796; “Supplement to Bougainville’s Voyage”).
La Religieuse describes the distressing and ultimately tragic
experiences of a girl who is forced to become a nun against her will. In
Jacques le fataliste, Jacques, who believes in fate, is involved in an
endless argument with his master, who does not, as they journey along
retelling the story of their lives and loves. Diderot’s philosophical
standpoint in this work is ambivalent, as is his ethical standpoint in
Le Neveu de Rameau. The latter work is a dialogue between Diderot and a
bohemian musician who is based partly on the nephew of the French
composer Jean-Philippe Rameau. This work may properly be called a
satire, since it challenges the cant of contemporary society and the
hypocrisy of its morality. Rameau’s nephew is depicted as a shamelessly
selfish parasite, an eccentric, and a musician who is gifted yet unable
to make his mark through insufficient talent. His dialogue with Diderot
is spontaneous and witty, and there are digressions, a lengthy
disquisition on contemporary musical controversies, and diatribes
against Diderot’s own enemies. This brilliantly conceived, highly
original and entertaining divertissement reveals the complexity of
Diderot’s personality and of his philosophical ideas. In the Supplément
au voyage de Bougainville Diderot, in discussing the mores of the South
Pacific islanders, emphasizes his conception of a free society based on
tolerance and develops his views on sexual freedom.
Diderot’s major plays, Le Fils naturel (1757; “The Illegitimate Son”)
and Le Père de famille (1758; “The Father of the Family”), make tedious
reading today. His theories on drama, however, expounded in Entretiens
sur le fils naturel (1757; “Discussion on the Illegitimate Son”) and
Discours sur la poésie dramatique (“Discourse on Dramatic Poetry”), were
to exercise a determining influence on the German dramatist Gotthold
Lessing. Taking as his starting point the comédie larmoyante, Diderot
stressed the need for greater realism on the stage and favoured the
serious bourgeois drama of real life. Characters should be presented
against their milieu and belong to specific professions, so that the
moral and social implications of the play, which he considered to be of
primary importance, should have greater impact. In his Paradoxe sur le
comédien (written 1773, published 1830), Diderot argued that great
actors must possess judgment and penetration without “sensibility”—i.e.,
without actually experiencing the emotions they are portraying as
characters on the stage. Although Diderot wrote literary criticism, it
is as the first great art critic, covering the Paris Salons, or annual
art exhibitions, for the Correspondance littéraire, that he is best
remembered. His analysis of art, artists, and the technique of painting,
together with the excellence of his taste and his style, have won him
posthumous fame; his Essai sur la peinture (written 1765, published
1796; “Essay on Painting”), especially, was admired by Goethe and later
by the 19th-century poet and critic Charles Baudelaire.
Late life and works
The completion of the Encyclopédie in 1772 left Diderot without a source
of income. To relieve him of financial worry, Catherine the Great of
Russia first bought his library through an agent in Paris, requesting
him to retain the books until she required them, and then appointed him
librarian on an annual salary for the duration of his life. Diderot went
to St. Petersburg in 1773 to thank her for her financial support and was
received with great honour and warmth. He wrote for her the Plan d’une
université pour le gouvernement de Russie (“Plan of a University for the
Government of Russia”). He stayed five months, long enough to become
disillusioned with enlightened despotism as a solution to social ills.
In 1774 Diderot, now old and ill, worked on a refutation of
Helvétius’ work De l’homme (1772; “On Man”), which was an amplification
of the destroyed De l’esprit. He wrote Entretien d’un philosophe avec la
Maréchale (“Conversation with the Maréchale”) and published in 1778
Essai sur les règnes de Claude et de Néron (“Essay on the Reigns of
Claudius and Nero”). Usually known as Essai sur la vie de Sénèque
(“Essay on the Life of Seneca”), the work may be regarded as an apologia
for that Roman satirist and philosopher. Diderot’s intimate circle was
dwindling. Mme d’Épinay and d’Alembert died, leaving only Grimm and
Baron d’Holbach. Slowly Diderot retired into the shell of his own
personal and family life. The death of Sophie Volland in February 1784
was a great grief to him; he survived her by a few months, dying of
coronary thrombosis in the house in the rue de Richelieu that Catherine
the Great had put at his disposal. Apocryphally, his last words were:
“Le premier pas vers la philosophie, c’est l’incré” (“The first step
toward philosophy is incredulity”). Through the intervention of his
son-in-law, he was buried in consecrated ground at Saint-Roch.
Robert Niklaus
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Drama
Tragedy and the survival of Classical form
Classical tragedy survived into the 18th century,
most notably in the theatre of Voltaire, which
dominated the Comédie-Française from the premiere of
Oedipe (1718) to that of Agathocle (1779). But even
in Voltaire a profound change in sensibility is
apparent as pathos reigns supreme, to the exclusion
of terror. Tragedy, in the view of Fontenelle or the
Abbé Dubos, should teach men virtue and humanity.
Voltaire’s Zaïre (1732; The Tragedy of Zara) aims to
do just that, through the spectacle of Christian
intolerance overwhelming the eponymous heroine, torn
as she is between the religion of her French Roman
Catholic forefathers and the Muslim faith of her
future husband, a Turk. No fatality of character
destroys her, but simply the failings of Christians
unworthy of their creed, allied to gratuitous and
avoidable chance. The great tragic emotions are
replaced by simple bourgeois sentimentality.
Abbé Dubos

born Feb. 20, 1901, Saint-Brice,
France
died Feb. 20, 1982, New York, N.Y., U.S.
French-born American microbiologist,
environmentalist, and author whose
pioneering research in isolating
antibacterial substances from certain
soil microorganisms led to the discovery
of major antibiotics. Dubos is also
known for his research and writings on a
number of subjects, including
antibiotics, acquired immunity,
tuberculosis, and bacteria indigenous to
the gastrointestinal tract. In his later
years his interest shifted to man’s
relationship to the natural environment.
In 1921 Dubos graduated from the
Institut National Agronomique in Paris.
Three years later he emigrated to the
United States and continued his studies
at Rutgers University (Ph.D., 1927). He
then joined the Rockefeller Institute
for Medical Research in New York City,
where he spent most of his career,
becoming a professor in 1957 and
professor emeritus in 1971.
In 1930 Dubos isolated from a soil
microorganism an enzyme that could
decompose part of the bacillum that
causes lobar pneumonia in humans. The
enzyme subsequently proved to have a
therapeutic effect on laboratory animals
with that disease. In 1939 Dubos
isolated another antibacterial substance
and named it tyrothricin. This
substance, which he was able to
chemically analyze, became the first
antibiotic to be commercially
manufactured, though it soon proved too
toxic for large-scale use. Dubos’s
researches and techniques stimulated
interest in penicillin and led Selman
Waksman, Albert Schatz, and Elizabeth
Bugie to isolate streptomycin.
Dubos’s works include Bacterial and
Mycotic Infections in Man (1948),
Pasteur and Modern Medicine (1960), Man,
Medicine, and Environment (1968), and So
Human an Animal (1968; Pulitzer Prize,
1969). He was for many years an editor
of the Journal of Experimental Medicine.
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Marivaux and
Beaumarchais
The best of 18th-century drama takes a different
course. Pierre Marivaux wrote more than 30 comedies,
mostly between 1720 and 1740, for the most part
bearing on the psychology of love. Typically, the
Marivaudian protagonist is a refined young lady who
finds herself, to her bewilderment or even despair,
falling in love despite herself, thereby losing her
autonomy of judgment and action. La Surprise de
l’amour, a title Marivaux used twice (1722, 1727),
becomes a regular motif, the interest of each play
resting in the precise and delicate changes of
attitude and circumstance rung by the dramatist and
the sharp, witty discourse in which his characters’
exchanges are couched. His sympathy for the
generally likable heroes and heroines stops short,
however, of indulgence. The action is dramatic
essentially because the characters’ stubborn pride,
central to their being, has to succumb to the
demands of their instincts. Vanity, in Marivaux’s
view, is endemic to human nature. In Le Jeu de
l’amour et du hasard (1730; The Game of Love and
Chance), the plot of which is based on disguise,
with masters and servants exchanging parts, Silvia
experiences profound consternation at the quite
unacceptable prospect of falling for a valet. When
she learns the happy truth, her relief immediately
gives way to a determination to force her lover
Dorante into surrender while he still thinks her a
servant. Many plays deal explicitly with social
barriers created by rank or money, such as La Double
Inconstance (1723; Changes of Heart) and Les Fausses
Confidences (1737; “False Confidences”). As the
subtlety of Marivaux’s perceptions and the genius of
his language have become better understood, he has
come to be regarded as the fourth great classic
(after Corneille, Racine, and Molière) of the French
theatre.
Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais is best
remembered for two comic masterpieces, Le Barbier de
Séville (1775; The Barber of Seville) and Le Mariage
de Figaro (1784;
The Marriage of Figaro). Both are
dominated by the servant Figaro, a scheming dynamo
of wit and generosity. Some commentators during the
Revolution detected prerevolutionary sentiments in
The Marriage of Figaro, but the evidence is too
insubstantial to argue for any intention on the
author’s part. As much as the sharpness of wit and
character, the brilliance of structure wins
admiration. All is movement and vicissitude,
particularly in
The Marriage of Figaro, with its 92
scenes (about three times the average number in a
Classical play) and profusion of theatrical
“business” rising to the magisterial imbroglio of
the final act.
Pierre Marivaux

born Feb. 4, 1688, Paris, Fr.
died Feb. 12, 1763, Paris
French dramatist, novelist, and
journalist whose comedies are, after
those of Molière, the most frequently
performed in today’s French theatre.
His wealthy, aristocratic family
moved to Limoges, where his father
practiced law, the same profession for
which the young Marivaux trained. Most
interested in the drama of the courts,
at 20 he wrote his first play, Le Père
prudent et équitable, ou Crispin
l’heureux fourbe (“The Prudent and
Equitable Father”). Such early writings
showed promise, and by 1710 he had
joined Parisian salon society, whose
atmosphere and conversational manners he
absorbed for his occasional journalistic
writings. He contributed Réflexions . .
. on the various social classes to the
Nouveau Mercure (1717–19) and modeled
his own periodical, Le Spectateur
Français (1720–24), after Joseph
Addison’s The Spectator.
The loss of his fortune in 1720,
followed a few years later by the death
of his young wife, caused Marivaux to
take his literary career more seriously.
He was drawn into several fashionable
artistic salons and received a pension
from Mme de Pompadour. He became a close
associate of the philosophes Bernard de
Fontenelle and Montesquieu and of the
critic and playwright La Motte.
Marivaux’s first plays were written
for the Comédie-Française, among them
the five-act verse tragedy Annibal
(1727). But the Italian Theatre of
Lelio, sponsored in Paris by the regent
Philippe d’Orleans, attracted him far
more. The major players Thomassin and
Silvia of this commedia dell’arte troupe
became Marivaux’s stock lovers:
Harlequin, or the valet, and the
ingenue. Arlequin poli par l’amour
(1723; “Harlequin Brightened by Love”)
and Le Jeu de l’amour et du hasard
(1730; The Game of Love and Chance)
display typical characteristics of his
love comedies: romantic settings, an
acute sense of nuance and the finer
shades of feeling, and deft and witty
wordplay. This verbal preciousness is
still known as marivaudage and reflects
the sensitivity and sophistication of
the era. Marivaux also made notable
advances in realism; his servants are
given real feelings, and the social
milieu is depicted precisely. Among his
30-odd plays are the satires L’Île des
esclaves (1725; “Isle of Slaves”) and
L’Île de la raison (1727; “Isle of
Reason”), which mock European society
after the manner of Gulliver’s Travels.
La Nouvelle colonie (1729; “The New
Colony”) treats equality between the
sexes, while L’École des mères (1724;
“School for Mothers”) studies
mother-daughter rapport.
Marivaux’s human psychology is best
revealed in his romance novels, both
unfinished. La Vie de Marianne
(1731–41), which preceded Samuel
Richardson’s Pamela (1740), anticipates
the novel of sensibility in its
glorification of a woman’s feelings and
intuition. Le Paysan parvenu (1734–35;
“The Fortunate Peasant”) is the story of
a handsome, opportunistic young peasant
who uses his attractiveness to older
women to advance in the world. Both
works concern struggles to arrive in
society and reflect the author’s
rejection of authority and religious
orthodoxy in favour of simple morality
and naturalness. His attitude won him
the whole-hearted admiration of
Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Though Marivaux
was elected to the French Academy in
1743 and became its director in 1759, he
was not fully appreciated during his
lifetime. He died quite impoverished and
remained without real fame until his
work was reappraised by the critic
Charles-Augustin Sainte-Beuve in the
19th century. Marivaux has since been
regarded as an important link between
the Age of Reason and the Age of
Romanticism.
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Pierre-Augustin Caron de Beaumarchais
"The Marriage of
Figaro"

born Jan. 24, 1732, Paris, France
died May 18, 1799, Paris
French author of two outstanding
comedies of intrigue that still retain
their freshness, Le Barbier de Séville
(1775; The Barber of Seville, 1776) and
Le Mariage de Figaro (1784; The Marriage
of Figaro, 1785).
Although Beaumarchais did not invent
the type character of the scheming valet
(who has appeared in comedy as far back
as Roman times), his Figaro, hero of
both plays, became the highest
expression of the type. The valet’s
resourcefulness and cunning were
portrayed by Beaumarchais with a
definite class-conscious sympathy. Le
Barbier de Séville became the basis of a
popular opera by the Italian composer
Gioacchino Rossini. The second play,
which inspired W.A. Mozart’s opera Le
nozze di Figaro (1786), is openly
critical of aristocratic privilege and
somewhat anticipates the social
upheavals of the Revolution of 1789.
Beaumarchais’s life rivals his work
as a drama of controversy, adventure,
and intrigue. The son of a watchmaker,
he invented an escapement mechanism, and
the question of its patent led to the
first of many legal actions. For his
defense in these suits he wrote a series
of brilliant polemics (Mémoires), which
made his reputation, though he was only
partly successful at law.
After 1773, because of his legal
involvements, Beaumarchais left France
on secret royal missions to England and
Germany for both Louis XV and Louis XVI.
Despite growing popularity as a
dramatist, Beaumarchais was addicted to
financial speculation. He bought arms
for the American revolutionaries and
brought out the first complete edition
of the works of Voltaire. Of his
dramatic works, only his two classic
comedies were to have lasting success.
Because of his wealth, he was imprisoned
during the French Revolution (in 1792),
but, through the intervention of a
former mistress, he was released.
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Bourgeois drama
Beaumarchais himself espoused the drame bourgeois
(“bourgeois drama” or “middle-class tragedy”) in his
Essai sur le genre dramatique sérieux (1767; “Essay
on the Genre of Serious Drama”). He wrote several
drames, among them the sequel to The Marriage of
Figaro in L’Autre Tartuffe; ou, La Mère coupable
(1792; “The Other Tartuffe; or, The Guilty Mother”).
The growing importance of sentiment on the stage had
proved as inimical to Classical comedy as to
Classical tragedy. More popular was a type of comedy
both serious and moralistic, such as Le Glorieux
(1732; The Conceited Count) by Philippe Néricault
Destouches or the comédies larmoyantes (“tearful
comedies”) of Pierre-Claude Nivelle de La
Chaussée,
which enjoyed great popularity in the 1730s and
’40s.
Diderot’s Entretiens sur “Le Fils naturel”
(1757; “Conversations on ‘The Natural Son’”) gave a
theoretical underpinning to the new mood. The author
called for middle-class tragedies of private life,
realistic and affecting, able to inspire strong
emotions and incline audiences to more elevated
states of mind. The new genre, reacting against the
articulate tirades of Classical tragedy, would draw
on pantomime and tableaux or inarticulate speech
rather than on eloquent discursiveness. Though
Diderot’s plays did not live up to his theories, the
emphasis upon middle-class virtuousness was to be
made dramatically effective in Michel-Jean Sedaine’s
Le Philosophe sans le savoir (1765; “The Unwitting
Philosopher”; Eng. trans. The Duel). But the success
of the drame bourgeois was short-lived, perhaps
because it attempted the incompatible aims of being
both realistic and didactic.
Pierre-Claude Nivelle de La Chaussée

born 1692, Paris, France
died March 14, 1754, Paris
French playwright who created the
comédie larmoyante (“tearful comedy”), a
verse-drama form merging tearful,
sentimental scenes with an invariably
happy ending. These sentimental
comedies, which were precursors of Denis
Diderot’s drames bourgeois, were
psychologically superficial and
rhetorically exaggerated and were
intended to contribute to the public’s
moral education. La Chaussée was the
author of nine such plays—among them
L’École des Mères (1744; “Mothers’
School”), Mélanide (1741), and Le
Préjugé à la mode (1735; “Stylish
Prejudice”).
La Chaussée was the scion of a
prosperous bourgeois family and did not
embark on a literary career until his
middle age; his first play, La Fausse
Antipathie (“False Antipathy”), was
written when he was 41 years old. From
that time, however, he wrote steadily.
In addition to the comédies larmoyantes,
he produced other comedies and several
tragedies. He was elected to the French
Academy in 1736.
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Michel-Jean Sedaine

born June 2, 1719, Paris, Fr.
died May 17, 1797, Paris
French dramatist who is best known as
the author of a fine domestic comedy, Le
Philosophe sans le savoir (1765; “The
Philosopher Without Knowledge”).
The son of a master builder, Sedaine
began his career as a stonemason. In
1752 he published a volume of poetry,
and his theatrical career began in 1756,
when he wrote librettos for some light
operas. He was made destitute by the
French Revolution and in 1795 was
deprived of his membership in the French
Academy, to which he had been elected in
1786.
Although he had a number of successes
during his career, Le Philosophe sans le
savoir is the only one of his plays to
have endured. It was censored when it
first appeared, because of its treatment
of dueling, and was not played in the
original version until 1875. It is less
a play of ideas, however, than a
textbook example of the new “bourgeois”
drama called for by the philosopher
Denis Diderot; mixing tragic and comic
situations, it presents a charming,
sentimental, and idealized picture of
life in the family of a wealthy
merchant. Sedaine defends middle-class
values not only in his criticism of
aristocratic prejudice but also in the
illustration of the virtues of commerce
and of a rational concept of honour. The
play enjoyed some popularity during the
19th century, but it is now considered
to retain chiefly only historical
interest.
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Poetry
The emphasis upon reason, science, and
philosophy may explain the absence of great poetry
in the 18th century. The best verse is that of
Voltaire, whose chief claim to renown during most of
his lifetime was as a poet. In epic, mock-epic,
philosophical poems, or witty society pieces he was
preeminent, but to the modern critic the linguistic
intensity that might indicate genius is missing.
The novel
Despite official opposition and
occasional censorship, the genre of the novel
developed apace. The first great 18th-century
exemplar is now seen to be Robert Challes, whose
Illustres françaises (1713; The Illustrious French
Lovers), a collection of seven tales intertwined,
commands attention for its serious realism and a
disabused candour anticipating
Stendhal. As the
bourgeoisie acquired a more prominent place in
society and the focus switched to exploring the
textures of everyday life, the roman de moeurs
(“novel of manners”) became important, most notably
with the novels of
Alain-René Lesage: Le Diable
boiteux (1707; The Devil upon Two Sticks) and
especially L’Histoire de Gil Blas de Santillane
(1715–35; The History and Adventures of Gil Blas of
Santillane). The latter, a loose-knit picaresque
novel, recounts its hero’s rise in society and
concomitant moral education, set against a
comprehensive picture of the surrounding world.
Characterization and the representation of the new
ethos of sensibility receive greater attention in
the novels of the prolific
Abbé
Prévost, author of
multivolume romances but best known for the Histoire
du chevalier des Grieux et de
Manon Lescaut (1731;
“Tale of the Chevalier des Grieux and Manon
Lescaut”; Eng. trans. Manon Lescaut). In this
ambivalent mixture of idealistic passion and shabby
criminality, des Grieux, a young scapegrace but
also,
Prévost urges, a man of the most exquisite
sentiments, sacrifices a glittering career to his
fantasy of the amoral, delicate, and forever
enigmatic Manon. In this tragic tale, love conquers
all, but it constantly needs vulgar money to sustain
it. Tears and swoonings abound, as do precise
notations of financial costs, in a blend of
traditional romance and sordid realism.
By contrast,
Marivaux as novelist devoted his
main energies to psychological analysis and the
moral life of his characters. His two great
narratives, La Vie de Marianne (1731–41; The Life of
Marianne) and Le Paysan parvenu (1734–35; Up from
the Country), follow one single character
recounting, as in
Manon Lescaut, her or his past
experience. But it is the comic note that prevails
as Marianne and Jacob make their way upward in
society. Reflection upon conduct becomes more
important than conduct itself; the narrators, now of
mature years, comment and endlessly interpret their
actions when young and still in transit socially.
The result provides a rich density of feelings,
meticulously analyzed or finely suggested, in a
precise and witty prose. Both protagonists are
morally equivocal, born survivors with an eye for
the main chance, representative of a social class
making its way from margins to mainstream; yet they
are also attractive, both to their peers in the
novel and to their readership, in their disarming
self-revelations.
Increasingly, from the middle of the century,
studies of women’s position in society, salon, or
family emerged from the pen of women writers.
Françoise de Graffigny (Lettres d’une Péruvienne
[1747; Letters of a Peruvian Princess]),
Marie-Jeanne Riccoboni, and Isabelle de Charrière
use the popular epistolary form of the novel to
allow their heroines to voice the pain and distress
of a situation of unremitting dependency. The
processes of modernization were beginning to bring
their own solutions to women’s subordination. The
educationalist Madame de Genlis (Stéphanie-Félicité
du Crest), much influenced by
Rousseau, found a
Europe-wide readership for her treatises, plays,
and, especially, the novel Adèle et Théodore; ou,
lettres sur l’éducation (1782; Adelaide and
Theodore; or, Letters on Education), which offered
enlightened and advanced educational programs for
children and young women of all classes, based on
the recognition that men engaged increasingly with
duties, responsibilities, and work in the public
sphere needed well-educated and skilled wives at
home to manage their households and estates. The
subordination of women to men was still a given in
Genlis’s philosophy, and it was a theme emphasized
in the highly popular historical and political
romances she would later write in exile, during the
Revolution, and on her eventual return to Paris to
become an ardent spokesperson for all old
hierarchies in Napoleon’s restored court.

Abbe Prevost Reading "Manon Lescaut," 1856
by Joseph Caraud
Abbé Prévost
"Manon Lescaut"

French author
born , April 1, 1697, Hesdin, Fr.
died Nov. 25, 1763, Chantilly
Main
prolific French novelist whose fame rests entirely on one work—Manon
Lescaut (1731; in full Histoire du Chevalier des Grieux et de Manon
Lescaut; “Story of the Chevalier of Grieux and of Manon Lescaut”).
Originally published as the final installment of a seven-volume
novel, Mémoires et aventures d’un homme de qualité qui s’est retiré du
monde (1728–31; “Memories and Adventures of a Man of Quality Who Has
Retired from the World”), Prévost’s Manon Lescaut is the basis of the
operas Manon, by Jules Massenet, and Manon Lescaut, by Giacomo Puccini.
A classic example of the 18th-century novel of feeling, Manon Lescaut
tells the story of a young man of good family who ruins his life for a
courtesan.
From an early age, Prévost displayed many of the weaknesses
characteristic of the hero of his most famous work. Two enlistments in
the army alternated with two entries into the novitiate of the Society
of Jesus, from which he was dismissed in 1721. In that year he took vows
as a Benedictine monk and in 1726 was ordained a priest. In 1728 he fled
to England. One of his numerous love affairs caused him to lose his job
there as a tutor and to go to Holland in 1730. In 1735 Prévost returned
to England to escape his Dutch creditors and was briefly imprisoned in
London for forgery. After secretly returning to France, he was
reconciled with the Roman Catholic church (although he may have been a
Protestant during his exile).
|
Rousseau
The preeminent name associated with the sensibility
of the age is that of
Jean-Jacques Rousseau. His
work gave rise to the cult of nature, lakes,
mountains, and gardens, in contrast to what he
presented as the false glitter of society. He called
for a new way of life attentive above all to the
innate sense of pity and benevolence he attributed
to men, rather than dependent upon what he saw as
the meretricious reason prized by his fellow
philosophes; he espoused untutored simplicity and
declared the true equality of all, based in the
capacity for feeling that all men share; and he
argued the importance of total sincerity and claimed
to practice it in his confessional writings, which
are seminal instances of modern autobiography. With
these radical new claims for a different mode of
feeling, one that would foster a revolutionary new
politics, he stands as one of the greatest thinkers
of his time, alongside, and generally in opposition
to,
Voltaire. He established the modern novel of
sensibility with the resounding success of his
Julie; ou, la nouvelle Héloïse (1761; Julie; or, The
New Heloise), a novel about an impossible, doomed
love between a young aristocrat and her tutor. He
composed a classic work of educational theory with
Émile; ou, de l’éducation (1762; Emile; or, On
Education), whose hero is brought up away from
corrupting society, in keeping with the principles
of natural man. Emile learns to prefer feeling and
spontaneity to theory and reason, and religious
sensibility is an essential element of his makeup.
This alone would separate
Rousseau from
Voltaire and
Diderot, not to mention the materialist philosophers
Claude-Adrien Helvétius, Paul-Henri d’Holbach, and
Julien de La Mettrie, for whom the progress of the
Enlightenment was judged by the emancipation of the
age from superstition, fanaticism, and the authority
of prejudice passing as faith.
The sharp hostility toward contemporary society
already evident in his Discours sur les sciences et
les arts (1750; Discourse on the Sciences and Arts)
is more profoundly elaborated in the Discours sur
l’origine et les fondements de l’inégalité parmi les
hommes (1755; “Discourse on the Origin and
Foundations of Inequality among Men”; Eng. trans.
Discourse on the Origin of Inequality). In the
latter work he argues that social inequality has
come about because men have allowed their God-given
right of freedom to be usurped by the growth of
competition, specialization and division of labour,
and, most of all, by laws that consolidated the
inequitable distribution of property. Further, he
states that elegant, civilized society is a sham
whose reality is endless posturing, hostility,
injustice, enslavement, and alienation. The
revolutionary implications of these beliefs are
spelled out in the Contrat social (1762; The Social
Contract), with its examination of the principle of
sovereignty, its critique of the divine right of
kings, and its formulation of a right of resistance.
True liberty and equality can be established,
according to
Rousseau, only on the hypothesis of a
people who have never yet been divided or corrupted
by any form of government, through a social pact of
all with all, willingly accepted, in which each
individual agrees to submit to and defend the volonté générale (“general will”), which alone has
sovereignty. This is the ground on which active
citizens, and full humans, can be developed. But
such self-denial would already require a moral
transmutation requiring the prior existence of the
higher reasoning and selflessness that it is meant
to help create and foster. To break the vicious
circle,
Rousseau proposes to introduce into his
nascent community a Lawgiver, who may use his
authority, or the seductions of religion, to
persuade people to accept the laws. At the origin of
his newly contracted society of truth, sincerity,
and respect for others’ rights and freedoms, he must
posit an authoritarian and manipulative principle.
Commentators have differed widely in their readings
of The Social Contract as either a liberal or a
totalitarian document.
Rousseau saw himself as
unambiguously defending freedom from despotism; from
1789 to 1917, revolutionaries throughout the world
took him as an icon.
Rousseau’s struggle toward a morality based on
transparent honesty and on values authenticated not
by any external authority but by his own conscience
and feelings, is continued in the Confessions
(written 1764–70; Eng. trans. Confessions). Here he
suggests that self-knowledge is to be achieved by a
growing familiarity with the unconscious, a
recognition of the importance of childhood in
shaping the adult, and an acceptance of the role of
sexuality—an anticipation of modern psychoanalysis.
This original exploration of the self, in its
dreams, desires, fantasies, obsessions, and,
ultimately, delusions, is developed further in the
Rêveries du promeneur solitaire (written 1776–78;
The Reveries of the Solitary Walker), which has been
seen as foreshadowing even more strongly the
Romantic Movement and the literature of
introspection of the next century.
Jean-Jacques Rousseau
"Confessions"
BOOK I-VI,
BOOK VII-XII

Swiss-born French philosopher
born June 28, 1712, Geneva, Switz.
died July 2, 1778, Ermenonville, France
Swiss-born philosopher, writer, and political theorist whose treatises
and novels inspired the leaders of the French Revolution and the
Romantic generation.
Rousseau was the least academic of modern philosophers and in many
ways was the most influential. His thought marked the end of the Age of
Reason. He propelled political and ethical thinking into new channels.
His reforms revolutionized taste, first in music, then in the other
arts. He had a profound impact on people’s way of life; he taught
parents to take a new interest in their children and to educate them
differently; he furthered the expression of emotion rather than polite
restraint in friendship and love. He introduced the cult of religious
sentiment among people who had discarded religious dogma. He opened
men’s eyes to the beauties of nature, and he made liberty an object of
almost universal aspiration.
Formative years
Rousseau’s mother died in childbirth and he was brought up by his
father, who taught him to believe that the city of his birth was a
republic as splendid as Sparta or ancient Rome. Rousseau senior had an
equally glorious image of his own importance; after marrying above his
modest station as a watchmaker, he got into trouble with the civil
authorities by brandishing the sword that his upper-class pretentions
prompted him to wear, and he had to leave Geneva to avoid imprisonment.
Rousseau, the son, then lived for six years as a poor relation in his
mother’s family, patronized and humiliated, until he, too, at the age of
16, fled from Geneva to live the life of an adventurer and a Roman
Catholic convert in the kingdoms of Sardinia and France.
Rousseau was fortunate in finding in the province of Savoy a
benefactress named the Baronne de Warens, who provided him with a refuge
in her home and employed him as her steward. She also furthered his
education to such a degree that the boy who had arrived on her doorstep
as a stammering apprentice who had never been to school developed into a
philosopher, a man of letters, and a musician.
Mme de Warens, who thus transformed the adventurer into a
philosopher, was herself an adventuress—a Swiss convert to Catholicism
who had stripped her husband of his money before fleeing to Savoy with
the gardener’s son to set herself up as a Catholic missionary
specializing in the conversion of young male Protestants. Her morals
distressed Rousseau, even when he became her lover. But she was a woman
of taste, intelligence, and energy, who brought out in Rousseau just the
talents that were needed to conquer Paris at a time when Voltaire had
made radical ideas fashionable.
Rousseau reached Paris when he was 30 and was lucky enough to meet
another young man from the provinces seeking literary fame in the
capital, Denis Diderot. The two soon became immensely successful as the
centre of a group of intellectuals—or “Philosophes”—who gathered round
the great French Encyclopédie, of which Diderot was appointed editor.
The Encyclopédie was an important organ of radical and anticlerical
opinion, and its contributors were as much reforming and even
iconoclastic pamphleteers as they were philosophers. Rousseau, the most
original of them all in his thinking and the most forceful and eloquent
in his style of writing, was soon the most conspicuous. He wrote music
as well as prose, and one of his operas, Le Devin du village (1752; The
Cunning-Man), attracted so much admiration from the king and the court
that he might have enjoyed an easy life as a fashionable composer, but
something in his Calvinist blood rejected this type of worldly glory.
Indeed, at the age of 37 Rousseau had what he called an “illumination”
while walking to Vincennes to visit Diderot, who had been imprisoned
there because of his irreligious writings. In the Confessions, which he
wrote late in life, Rousseau says that it came to him then in a
“terrible flash” that modern progress had corrupted instead of improved
men. He went on to write his first important work, a prize essay for the
Academy of Dijon entitled Discours sur les sciences et les arts (1750; A
Discourse on the Sciences and the Arts), in which he argues that the
history of man’s life on earth has been a history of decay.
This Discourse is by no means Rousseau’s best piece of writing, but
its central theme was to inform almost everything else he wrote.
Throughout his life he kept returning to the thought that man is good by
nature but has been corrupted by society and civilization. He did not
mean to suggest that society and civilization were inherently bad but
rather that both had taken a wrong direction and become more harmful as
they had become more sophisticated. This idea in itself was not
unfamiliar when Rousseau published his Discourse on the Sciences and the
Arts. Many Roman Catholic writers deplored the direction that European
culture had taken since the Middle Ages. They shared the hostility
toward progress that Rousseau had expressed. What they did not share was
his belief that man was naturally good. It was, however, just this
belief in man’s natural goodness that Rousseau made the cornerstone of
his argument.
Rousseau may well have received the inspiration for this belief from
Mme de Warens; for although that unusual woman had become a communicant
of the Roman Catholic Church, she retained—and transmitted to
Rousseau—much of the sentimental optimism about human purity that she
had herself absorbed as a child from the mystical Protestant Pietists
who were her teachers in the canton of Bern. At all events, the idea of
man’s natural goodness, as Rousseau developed it, set him apart from
both conservatives and radicals. Even so, for several years after the
publication of his first Discourse, he remained a close collaborator in
Diderot’s essentially progressive enterprise, the Encyclopédie, and an
active contributor to its pages. His speciality there was music, and it
was in this sphere that he first established his influence as reformer.
Controversy with Rameau
The arrival of an Italian opera company in Paris in 1752 to perform
works of opera buffa by Pergolesi, Scarlatti, Vinci, Leo, and other such
composers suddenly divided the French music-loving public into two
excited camps, supporters of the new Italian opera and supporters of the
traditional French opera. The Philosophes of the
Encyclopédie—d’Alembert, Diderot, and d’Holbach among them—entered the
fray as champions of Italian music, but Rousseau, who had arranged for
the publication of Pergolesi’s music in Paris and who knew more about
the subject than most Frenchmen after the months he had spent visiting
the opera houses of Venice during his time as secretary to the French
ambassador to the doge in 1743–44, emerged as the most forceful and
effective combatant. He was the only one to direct his fire squarely at
the leading living exponent of French operatic music, Jean-Philippe
Rameau.
Rousseau and Rameau must at that time have seemed unevenly matched in
a controversy about music. Rameau, already in his 70th year, was not
only a prolific and successful composer but was also, as the author of
the celebrated Traité de l’harmonie (1722; Treatise on Harmony) and
other technical works, Europe’s leading musicologist. Rousseau, by
contrast, was 30 years younger, a newcomer to music, with no
professional training and only one successful opera to his credit. His
scheme for a new notation for music had been rejected by the Academy of
Sciences, and most of his musical entries for Diderot’s Encyclopédie
were as yet unpublished. Yet the dispute was not only musical but also
philosophical, and Rameau was confronted with a more formidable
adversary than he had realized. Rousseau built his case for the
superiority of Italian music over French on the principle that melody
must have priority over harmony, whereas Rameau based his on the
assertion that harmony must have priority over melody. By pleading for
melody, Rousseau introduced what later came to be recognized as a
characteristic idea of Romanticism, namely, that in art the free
expression of the creative spirit is more important than strict adhesion
to formal rules and traditional procedures. By pleading for harmony,
Rameau reaffirmed the first principle of French Classicism, namely, that
conformity to rationally intelligible rules is a necessary condition of
art, the aim of which is to impose order on the chaos of human
experience.
In music, Rousseau was a liberator. He argued for freedom in music,
and he pointed to the Italian composers as models to be followed. In
doing so he had more success than Rameau; he changed people’s attitudes.
Gluck, who succeeded Rameau as the most important operatic composer in
France, acknowledged his debt to Rousseau’s teaching, and Mozart based
the text for his one-act operetta Bastien und Bastienne on Rousseau’s
Devin du village. European music had taken a new direction. But Rousseau
himself composed no more operas. Despite the success of Le Devin du
village, or rather because of its success, Rousseau felt that, as a
moralist who had decided to make a break with worldly values, he could
not allow himself to go on working for the theatre. He decided to devote
his energies henceforth to literature and philosophy.
Major works of political philosophy
As part of what Rousseau called his “reform,” or improvement of his own
character, he began to look back at some of the austere principles that
he had learned as a child in the Calvinist republic of Geneva. Indeed he
decided to return to that city, repudiate his Catholicism, and seek
readmission to the Protestant church. He had in the meantime acquired a
mistress, an illiterate laundry maid named Thérèse Levasseur. To the
surprise of his friends, he took her with him to Geneva, presenting her
as a nurse. Although her presence caused some murmurings, Rousseau was
readmitted easily to the Calvinist communion, his literary fame having
made him very welcome to a city that prided itself as much on its
culture as on its morals.
Rousseau had by this time completed a second Discourse in response to
a question set by the Academy of Dijon: “What is the origin of the
inequality among men and is it justified by natural law?” In response to
this challenge he produced a masterpiece of speculative anthropology.
The argument follows on that of his first Discourse by developing the
proposition that natural man is good and then tracing the successive
stages by which man has descended from primitive innocence to corrupt
sophistication.
Rousseau begins his Discours sur l’origine de l’inegalité (1755;
Discourse on the Origin of Inequality) by distinguishing two kinds of
inequality, natural and artificial, the first arising from differences
in strength, intelligence, and so forth, the second from the conventions
that govern societies. It is the inequalities of the latter sort that he
sets out to explain. Adopting what he thought the properly “scientific”
method of investigating origins, he attempts to reconstruct the earliest
phases of man’s experience of life on earth. He suggests that original
man was not a social being but entirely solitary, and to this extent he
agrees with Hobbes’s account of the state of nature. But in contrast to
the English pessimist’s view that the life of man in such a condition
must have been “poor, nasty, brutish and short,” Rousseau claims that
original man, while admittedly solitary, was healthy, happy, good, and
free. The vices of men, he argues, date from the time when men formed
societies.
Rousseau thus exonerates nature and blames society for the emergence
of vices. He says that passions that generate vices hardly exist in the
state of nature but begin to develop as soon as men form societies.
Rousseau goes on to suggest that societies started when men built their
first huts, a development that facilitated cohabitation of males and
females; this in turn produced the habit of living as a family and
associating with neighbours. This “nascent society,” as Rousseau calls
it, was good while it lasted; it was indeed the “golden age” of human
history. Only it did not endure. With the tender passion of love there
was also born the destructive passion of jealousy. Neighbours started to
compare their abilities and achievements with one another, and this
“marked the first step towards inequality and at the same time towards
vice.” Men started to demand consideration and respect; their innocent
self-love turned into culpable pride, as each man wanted to be better
than everyone else.
The introduction of property marked a further step toward inequality
since it made it necessary for men to institute law and government in
order to protect property. Rousseau laments the “fatal” concept of
property in one of his more eloquent passages, describing the “horrors”
that have resulted from men’s departure from a condition in which the
earth belonged to no one. These passages in his second Discourse excited
later revolutionaries such as Marx and Lenin, but Rousseau himself did
not think that the past could be undone in any way; there was no point
in men dreaming of a return to the golden age.
Civil society, as Rousseau describes it, comes into being to serve
two purposes: to provide peace for everyone and to ensure the right to
property for anyone lucky enough to have possessions. It is thus of some
advantage to everyone, but mostly to the advantage of the rich, since it
transforms their de facto ownership into rightful ownership and keeps
the poor dispossessed. It is a somewhat fraudulent social contract that
introduces government since the poor get so much less out of it than do
the rich. Even so, the rich are no happier in civil society than are the
poor because social man is never satisfied. Society leads men to hate
one another to the extent that their interests conflict, and the best
they are able to do is to hide their hostility behind a mask of
courtesy. Thus Rousseau regards the inequality between men not as a
separate problem but as one of the features of the long process by which
men become alienated from nature and from innocence.
In the dedication Rousseau wrote for the Discourse, in order to
present it to the republic of Geneva, he nevertheless praises that
city-state for having achieved the ideal balance between “the equality
which nature established among men and the inequality which they have
instituted among themselves.” The arrangement he discerned in Geneva was
one in which the best men were chosen by the citizens and put in the
highest positions of authority. Like Plato, Rousseau always believed
that a just society was one in which everyone was in his right place.
And having written the Discourse to explain how men had lost their
liberty in the past, he went on to write another book, Du Contrat social
(1762; The Social Contract), to suggest how they might recover their
liberty in the future. Again Geneva was the model; not Geneva as it had
become in 1754 when Rousseau returned there to recover his rights as a
citizen, but Geneva as it had once been; i.e., Geneva as Calvin had
designed it.
The Social Contract begins with the sensational opening sentence:
“Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains,” and proceeds to
argue that men need not be in chains. If a civil society, or state,
could be based on a genuine social contract, as opposed to the
fraudulent social contract depicted in the Discourse on the Origin of
Inequality, men would receive in exchange for their independence a
better kind of freedom, namely true political, or republican, liberty.
Such liberty is to be found in obedience to a self-imposed law.
Rousseau’s definition of political liberty raises an obvious problem.
For while it can be readily agreed that an individual is free if he
obeys only rules he prescribes for himself, this is so because an
individual is a person with a single will. A society, by contrast, is a
set of persons with a set of individual wills, and conflict between
separate wills is a fact of universal experience. Rousseau’s response to
the problem is to define his civil society as an artificial person
united by a general will, or volonté générale. The social contract that
brings society into being is a pledge, and the society remains in being
as a pledged group. Rousseau’s republic is a creation of the general
will—of a will that never falters in each and every member to further
the public, common, or national interest—even though it may conflict at
times with personal interest.
Rousseau sounds very much like Hobbes when he says that under the
pact by which men enter civil society everyone totally alienates himself
and all his rights to the whole community. Rousseau, however, represents
this act as a form of exchange of rights whereby men give up natural
rights in return for civil rights. The bargain is a good one because
what men surrender are rights of dubious value, whose realization
depends solely on an individual man’s own might, and what they obtain in
return are rights that are both legitimate and enforced by the
collective force of the community.
There is no more haunting paragraph in The Social Contract than that
in which Rousseau speaks of “forcing a man to be free.” But it would be
wrong to interpret these words in the manner of those critics who see
Rousseau as a prophet of modern totalitarianism. He does not claim that
a whole society can be forced to be free but only that an occasional
individual, who is enslaved by his passions to the extent of disobeying
the law, can be restored by force to obedience to the voice of the
general will that exists inside of him. The man who is coerced by
society for a breach of the law is, in Rousseau’s view, being brought
back to an awareness of his own true interests.
For Rousseau there is a radical dichotomy between true law and actual
law. Actual law, which he describes in the Discourse on the Origin of
Inequality, simply protects the status quo. True law, as described in
The Social Contract, is just law, and what ensures its being just is
that it is made by the people in its collective capacity as sovereign
and obeyed by the same people in their individual capacities as
subjects. Rousseau is confident that such laws could not be unjust
because it is inconceivable that any people would make unjust laws for
itself.
Rousseau is, however, troubled by the fact that the majority of a
people does not necessarily represent its most intelligent citizens.
Indeed, he agrees with Plato that most people are stupid. Thus the
general will, while always morally sound, is sometimes mistaken. Hence
Rousseau suggests the people need a lawgiver—a great mind like Solon or
Lycurgus or Calvin—to draw up a constitution and system of laws. He even
suggests that such lawgivers need to claim divine inspiration in order
to persuade the dim-witted multitude to accept and endorse the laws it
is offered.
This suggestion echoes a similar proposal by Machiavelli, a political
theorist Rousseau greatly admired and whose love of republican
government he shared. An even more conspicuously Machiavellian influence
can be discerned in Rousseau’s chapter on civil religion, where he
argues that Christianity, despite its truth, is useless as a republican
religion on the grounds that it is directed to the unseen world and does
nothing to teach citizens the virtues that are needed in the service of
the state, namely, courage, virility, and patriotism. Rousseau does not
go so far as Machiavelli in proposing a revival of pagan cults, but he
does propose a civil religion with minimal theological content designed
to fortify and not impede (as Christianity impedes) the cultivation of
martial virtues. It is understandable that the authorities of Geneva,
profoundly convinced that the national church of their little republic
was at the same time a truly Christian church and a nursery of
patriotism, reacted angrily against this chapter in Rousseau’s Social
Contract.
By the year 1762, however, when The Social Contract was published,
Rousseau had given up any thought of settling in Geneva. After
recovering his citizen’s rights in 1754, he had returned to Paris and
the company of his friends around the Encyclopédie. But he became
increasingly ill at ease in such worldly society and began to quarrel
with his fellow Philosophes. An article for the Encyclopédie on the
subject of Geneva, written by d’Alembert at Voltaire’s instigation,
upset Rousseau partly by suggesting that the pastors of the city had
lapsed from Calvinist severity into unitarian laxity and partly by
proposing that a theatre should be erected there. Rousseau hastened into
print with a defense of the Calvinist orthodoxy of the pastors and with
an elaborate attack on the theatre as an institution that could only do
harm to an innocent community such as Geneva.
Years of seclusion and exile
By the time his Lettre à d’Alembert sur les spectacles (1758; Letter to
Monsieur d’Alembert on the Theatre) appeared in print, Rousseau had
already left Paris to pursue a life closer to nature on the country
estate of his friend Mme d’Épinay near Montmorency. When the hospitality
of Mme d’Épinay proved to entail much the same social round as that of
Paris, Rousseau retreated to a nearby cottage, called Montlouis, under
the protection of the Maréchal de Luxembourg. But even this highly
placed friend could not save him in 1762 when his treatise on education,
Émile, was published and scandalized the pious Jansenists of the French
Parlements even as The Social Contract scandalized the Calvinists of
Geneva. In Paris, as in Geneva, they ordered the book to be burned and
the author arrested; all the Maréchal de Luxembourg could do was to
provide a carriage for Rousseau to escape from France. After formally
renouncing his Genevan citizenship in 1763, Rousseau became a fugitive,
spending the rest of his life moving from one refuge to another.
The years at Montmorency had been the most productive of his literary
career; besides The Social Contract and Émile, Julie: ou, la nouvelle
Héloïse (1761; Julie: or, The New Eloise) came out within 12 months, all
three works of seminal importance. The New Eloise, being a novel,
escaped the censorship to which the other two works were subject; indeed
of all his books it proved to be the most widely read and the most
universally praised in his lifetime. It develops the Romanticism that
had already informed his writings on music and perhaps did more than any
other single work of literature to influence the spirit of its age. It
made the author at least as many friends among the reading public—and
especially among educated women—as The Social Contract and Émile made
enemies among magistrates and priests. If it did not exempt him from
persecution, at least it ensured that his persecution was observed, and
admiring femmes du monde intervened from time to time to help him so
that Rousseau was never, unlike Voltaire and Diderot, actually
imprisoned.
The theme of The New Eloise provides a striking contrast to that of
The Social Contract. It is about people finding happiness in domestic as
distinct from public life, in the family as opposed to the state. The
central character, Saint-Preux, is a middle-class preceptor who falls in
love with his upper-class pupil, Julie. She returns his love and yields
to his advances, but the difference between their classes makes marriage
between them impossible. Baron d’Étange, Julie’s father, has indeed
promised her to a fellow nobleman named Wolmar. As a dutiful daughter,
Julie marries Wolmar and Saint-Preux goes off on a voyage around the
world with an English aristocrat, Bomston, from whom he acquires a
certain stoicism. Julie succeeds in forgetting her feelings for
Saint-Preux and finds happiness as wife, mother, and chatelaine. Some
six years later Saint-Preux returns from his travels and is engaged as
tutor to the Wolmar children. All live together in harmony, and there
are only faint echoes of the old affair between Saint-Preux and Julie.
The little community, dominated by Julie, illustrates one of Rousseau’s
political principles: that while men should rule the world in public
life, women should rule men in private life. At the end of The New
Eloise, when Julie has made herself ill in an attempt to rescue one of
her children from drowning, she comes face-to-face with a truth about
herself: that her love for Saint-Preux has never died.
The novel was clearly inspired by Rousseau’s own curious
relationship—at once passionate and platonic—with Sophie d’Houdetot, a
noblewoman who lived near him at Montmorency. He himself asserted in the
Confessions (1781–88) that he was led to write the book by “a desire for
loving, which I had never been able to satisfy and by which I felt
myself devoured.” Saint-Preux’s experience of love forbidden by the laws
of class reflects Rousseau’s own experience; and yet it cannot be said
that The New Eloise is an attack on those laws, which seem, on the
contrary, to be given the status almost of laws of nature. The members
of the Wolmar household are depicted as finding happiness in living
according to an aristocratic ideal. They appreciate the routines of
country life and enjoy the beauties of the Swiss and Savoyard Alps. But
despite such an endorsement of the social order, the novel was
revolutionary; its very free expression of emotions and its extreme
sensibility deeply moved its large readership and profoundly influenced
literary developments.
Émile is a book that seems to appeal alternately to the republican
ethic of The Social Contract and the aristocratic ethic of The New
Eloise. It is also halfway between a novel and a didactic essay.
Described by the author as a treatise on education, it is not about
schooling but about the upbringing of a rich man’s son by a tutor who is
given unlimited authority over him. At the same time the book sets out
to explore the possibilities of an education for republican citizenship.
The basic argument of the book, as Rousseau himself expressed it, is
that vice and error, which are alien to a child’s original nature, are
introduced by external agencies, so that the work of a tutor must always
be directed to counteracting those forces by manipulating pressures that
will work with nature and not against it. Rousseau devotes many pages to
explaining the methods the tutor must use. These methods involve a
noticeable measure of deceit, and although corporal punishment is
forbidden, mental cruelty is not.
Whereas The Social Contract is concerned with the problems of
achieving freedom, Émile is concerned with achieving happiness and
wisdom. In this different context religion plays a different role.
Instead of a civil religion, Rousseau here outlines a personal religion,
which proves to be a kind of simplified Christianity, involving neither
revelation nor the familiar dogmas of the church. In the guise of La
Profession de foi du vicaire savoyard (1765; The Profession of Faith of
a Savoyard Vicar) Rousseau sets out what may fairly be regarded as his
own religious views, since that book confirms what he says on the
subject in his private correspondence. Rousseau could never entertain
doubts about God’s existence or about the immortality of the soul. He
felt, moreover, a strong emotional drive toward the worship of God,
whose presence he felt most forcefully in nature, especially in
mountains and forests untouched by the hand of man. He also attached
great importance to conscience, the “divine voice of the soul in man,”
opposing this both to the bloodless categories of rationalistic ethics
and to the cold tablets of biblical authority.
This minimal creed put Rousseau at odds with the orthodox adherents
of the churches and with the openly atheistic Philosophes of Paris, so
that despite the enthusiasm that some of his writings, and especially
The New Eloise, excited in the reading public, he felt himself
increasingly isolated, tormented, and pursued. After he had been
expelled from France, he was chased from canton to canton in
Switzerland. He reacted to the suppression of The Social Contract in
Geneva by indicting the regime of that city-state in a pamphlet entitled
Lettres écrites de la montagne (1764; Letters Written from the
Mountain). No longer, as in the Discourse on the Origin of Inequality,
was Geneva depicted as a model republic but as one that had been taken
over by “twenty-five despots”; the subjects of the king of England were
said to be free men by comparison with the victims of Genevan tryranny.
It was in England that Rousseau found refuge after he had been
banished from the canton of Bern. The Scottish philosopher David Hume
took him there and secured the offer of a pension from King George III;
but once in England, Rousseau became aware that certain British
intellectuals were making fun of him, and he suspected Hume of
participating in the mockery. Various symptoms of paranoia began to
manifest themselves in Rousseau, and he returned to France incognito.
Believing that Thérèse was the only person he could rely on, he finally
married her in 1768, when he was 56 years old.
The last decade
In the remaining 10 years of his life Rousseau produced primarily
autobiographical writings, mostly intended to justify himself against
the accusations of his adversaries. The most important was his
Confessions, modeled on the work of the same title by St. Augustine and
achieving something of the same classic status. He also wrote Rousseau
juge de Jean-Jacques (1780; “Rousseau, Judge of Jean-Jacques”) to reply
to specific charges by his enemies and Les Rêveries du promeneur
solitaire (1782; Reveries of the Solitary Walker), one of the most
moving of his books, in which the intense passion of his earlier
writings gives way to a gentle lyricism and serenity. And indeed,
Rousseau does seem to have recovered his peace of mind in his last
years, when he was once again afforded refuge on the estates of great
French noblemen, first the Prince de Conti and then the Marquis de
Girardin, in whose park at Ermenonville he died.
Maurice Cranston
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Claude-Adrien Helvétius

born Jan.
26, 1715, Paris, Fr.
died Dec. 26, 1771, Voré, Collines des
Perches
philosopher, controversialist, and
wealthy host to the Enlightenment group
of French thinkers known as Philosophes.
He is remembered for his hedonistic
emphasis on physical sensation, his
attack on the religious foundations of
ethics, and his extravagant educational
theory.
Helvétius, the son of the Queen’s chief
physician, was made farmer general (a
revenue office) at the Queen’s request
in 1738. In 1751 he married, resigned
his post, and retired to his lands at
Voré. There he wrote the poem Le Bonheur
(“Happiness”), published posthumously
with an account of his life and works by
the Marquis de Saint-Lambert (1772), and
his celebrated philosophical work De
l’esprit (1758; “On the Mind”), which
immediately became notorious. For its
attack on all forms of morality based on
religion it aroused formidable
opposition, particularly from the son of
Louis XV, the dauphin Louis, though it
was published openly with the benefit of
royal privilege. The Sorbonne condemned
it, and it was ordered burned in public.
This, the gravest crisis the Philosophes
had known, led Voltaire to claim that
the book was commonplace, obscure, and
in error. Also, Jean-Jacques Rousseau
declared that the very benevolence of
the author gave the lie to his
principles. Helvétius was called to
recant, and he thrice made retractions
of the book. Publication of the famous
Philosophes’ Encyclopédie was suspended,
and works by others, including Voltaire,
also were burned.
Conveniently, Helvétius visited England
in 1764 and, on invitation of Frederick
II the Great, went to Berlin in 1765. On
his return to France the same year the
Philosophes were once again in favour,
and Helvétius spent the rest of his life
at Voré.
Helvétius held that all men are equally
capable of learning, a belief that led
him to argue against Rousseau’s work on
education, Émile, and to claim in De
L’homme (1772) that education’s
possibilities for solving human problems
were unlimited.
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Paul-Henri d’Holbach

born
December 1723, Edesheim, near Landau,
Rhenish Palatinate
died June 21, 1789, Paris
French encyclopaedist and philosopher, a
celebrated exponent of atheism and
Materialism, whose inherited wealth
allowed him to entertain many of the
noted philosophers of the day, some of
whom (Comte de Buffon, J.-J. Rousseau,
d’Alembert) reportedly withdrew from his
gatherings, frightened by the audacity
of their speculations.
In deference to his uncle (F.A.
d’Holbach, a naturalized French citizen
to whom he owed his wealth), he added
the surname d’Holbach to that of
Dietrich (sometimes rendered in French
as Thiry). He himself became a
naturalized French citizen in 1749.
D’Holbach contributed to Diderot’s
Encyclopédie 376 articles (translations
from German texts), mostly on chemistry
and allied scientific topics. His most
popular book, Système de la nature
(1770; “The System of Nature”),
published under the name of J.B.
Mirabaud, caustically derided religion
and espoused an atheistic, deterministic
Materialism: causality became simply
relationships of motion, man became a
machine devoid of free will, and
religion was excoriated as harmful and
untrue. In Le Christianisme dévoilé
(1761; “Christianity Unveiled”),
published under the name of a deceased
friend, N.A. Boulanger, he attacked
Christianity as contrary to reason and
nature. Système social (1773; “Social
System”) placed morality and politics in
a utilitarian framework wherein duty
became prudent self-interest. His
writings, considered mere echoes of
opinions expressed by those who shared
his table, were illogical and
inconsistent. Voltaire felt the need to
reply, but J.W. von Goethe and Percy
Bysshe Shelley fell under their sway.
Benevolent by nature, d’Holbach set
aside his personal dislikes by offering
his home to exiled Jesuits in 1762.
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Julien de La Mettrie

born
Dec. 25, 1709, Saint-Malo, Fr.
died Nov. 11, 1751, Berlin
French physician and philosopher whose
Materialistic interpretation of psychic
phenomena laid the groundwork for future
developments of behaviourism and played
an important part in the history of
modern Materialism.
La Mettrie obtained a medical degree at
Reims, studied medicine in Leiden under
Hermann Boerhaave (some of whose works
he translated into French), and served
as surgeon to the French military. A
personal illness convinced him that
psychic phenomena were directly related
to organic changes in the brain and
nervous system. The outcry following
publication of these views in Histoire
naturelle de l’âme (1745; “Natural
History of the Soul”) forced his
departure from Paris. The book was
burned by the public hangman. In Holland
La Mettrie published L’Homme-machine
(1747; L’Homme Machine: A Study in the
Origins of an Idea, 1960), developing
more boldly and completely, and with
great originality, his Materialistic and
atheistic views. The ethics of these
principles were worked out in Discours
sur le bonheur ou l’anti-Sénèque
(“Discourse on Happiness, or the
Anti-Seneca”). He was then forced to
leave Holland but was welcomed in Berlin
(1748) by Frederick the Great, made
court reader, and appointed to the
academy of science. In accord with his
belief that atheism was the sole road to
happiness and the pleasure of the senses
the purpose of life (Le Petit Homme à
longue queue, 1751; “The Small Man in a
Long Queue”), he was a carefree hedonist
to the end, finally dying of ptomaine
poisoning. His collected works, Oeuvres
philosophiques, were published in 1751,
and selections were edited by Marcelle
Tisserand in 1954.
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Laclos and others
The later 18th-century novel, preoccupied with the
understanding of the tensions and dangers of a
society about to wake up to the Revolution of
1789—the Great Revolution to which the modern French
state traces its origins—is dominated by the
masterpiece of Pierre Choderlos de Laclos, Les
Liaisons dangereuses (1782; Dangerous
Acquaintances), and its stylish account of erotic
psychology and its manipulations. The libertine
Valmont and his accomplice and rival, Mme de
Merteuil, plot the downfall of their victims in a
Parisian society that illustrates Rousseau’s
strictures: natural human values have no place in a
world of conformist expediency, cynicism, and
vicious exploitation. Laclos’s novel is, he claims,
didactic, a moral satire of a dangerous, heartless
world; yet he also admires the cold, vengeful
intelligence that invents and directs that world’s
viciousness, which the highly crafted epistolary
construction of the work, as well as its elegant,
sharp-witted, and subtle language, brilliantly
exemplify.
By contrast,
Jacques-Henri Bernardin de
Saint-Pierre’s utopian Paul et Virginie (1788; Paul
and Virginia), a rich evocation of exotic nature in
the tropical setting of Mauritius, often seems
overly sentimental to modern tastes. Another, very
different, follower of Rousseauist ideals, the
verbose and prolific Nicolas-Edme Restif de la
Bretonne, became the self-proclaimed chronicler and
analyst of Parisian society, a representative young
man of the generation that had gone from country to
city in search of fresh fortune. In his
philosophical treatises, novels, and short-story
collections, he evoked vividly the manners and
morals of men and especially women, in all their
social ranks, from the bourgeois mistress of the
house to the prostitutes in the street. Along with
the work of Louis-Sébastien Mercier, author of Le
Tableau de Paris (1781–89; Panorama of Paris
[selections]), his evocations of the life and
movement of the burgeoning metropolis prepare the
ground for Honoré de Balzac’s analyses of its human,
social, and political dramas.
A very different
response to this time of radical change came from
Donatien-Alphonse-François, comte de Sade, generally
known as the Marquis de Sade, whose fascination with
the connections of power, pain, and pleasure,
between individuals and in society’s larger
structures, gave rise to the word sadism. In Sade’s
philosophy, where the essential operation of Nature
is not procreation but destruction, murder is
natural and morally acceptable. The true libertine
must replace soft sentiment by an energy aspiring to
the total freedom of individual desire. The language
and thematics of Sade’s fantasies owe much to the
Enlightenment, of which his antisocial egoism is,
however, only a perverted expression. But in works
such as Justine; ou, les malheurs de la vertu (1791;
Justine; or, The Misfortunes of Virtue) or the tale
of Justine’s sister, Juliette (1797; Eng. trans.
Juliette), he made the reader aware as never before
that the search for fulfillment in the enjoyment of
cruelty forms part of the human psyche. The text he
wrote in the Bastille, never published in his
lifetime, Les 120 Journées de Sodome (written
1784–85, published 1904; The 120 Days of Sodom, and
Other Writings), has, since the studies of the
Surrealists and Georges Bataille, become a classic
sourcebook for the study of the imaginative forms of
the modern unconscious.
Haydn T. Mason
Jennifer Birkett
Pierre Choderlos de Laclos

Pierre Ambroise François Choderlos
de Laclos (18 October 1741 – 5
September 1803) was a French novelist,
official and army general, best known
for writing the epistolary novel Les
Liaisons dangereuses (Dangerous
Liaisons).
A unique case in French literature,
he was for a long time considered to be
as scandalous a writer as the Marquis de
Sade or Nicolas-Edme Rétif. He was a
military officer with no illusions about
human relations, and an amateur writer;
however, his initial plan was to "write
a work which departed from the ordinary,
which made a noise, and which would
remain on earth after his death"; from
this point of view he mostly attained
his goals, with the fame of his
masterwork Les Liaisons dangereuses . It
is one of the masterpieces of novelistic
literature of the 18th century, which
explores the amorous intrigues of the
aristocracy. It has inspired a large
number of critical and analytic
commentaries, plays, and films.
Laclos was born in Amiens into a
bourgeois family, and in 1760 was sent
to the École royale d'artillerie de La
Fère, ancestor of the École
polytechnique. As a young lieutenant, he
briefly served in a garrison at La
Rochelle until the end of the Seven
Years War (1763). Later he was assigned
to Strasbourg (1765–1769), Grenoble
(1769–1775) and Besançon (1775–1776).
Despite being promoted to captain
(1771), Laclos grew increasingly bored
with his artillery garrison duties and
the company of the soldiers, and began
to devote his free time to writing. His
first works, several light poems, were
published on the Almanach des Muses.
Later he wrote an Opéra-comique,
Ernestine, inspired by a novel by
Marie-Jeanne Riccoboni. Its premiere on
19 July 1777, in presence of Queen
Marie-Antoinette, was a failure. In the
same year he created a new artillery
school in Valence, which was to include
Napoleon among its students. At his
return at Besançon in 1778, Laclos was
promoted second captain of the
Engineers. In this period he wrote
several works, which showed his great
admiration of Jean-Jacques Rousseau.
In 1779 he was sent to Île-d'Aix to
assist Marc-René de Montalembert in the
construction of fortifications there
against the British. He however spent
most of his time writing his new
epistolary novel, Les Liaisons
Dangereuses, as well as a Letter to
Madame de Montalembert. When he asked
for and was granted six months of
vacation, he spent the time in Paris
writing.
Les Liaisons Dangereuses was
published by Durand Neveu in four
volumes on 23 March 1782, turning into a
widespread success (1,000 copies sold in
a month, an exceptional result for the
times). Laclos was immediately ordered
to return to his garrison in Brittany;
in 1783 he was sent to La Rochelle to
collaborate in the construction of the
new arsenal. Here he met Marie-Soulange
Duperré, 18 years his junior, whom he
would marry in 1786. The following year
he began a project of numbering Paris'
streets.
In 1788 Laclos left the army,
entering the service of Louis Philippe,
Duke of Orléans, for whom, after the
outbreak of the French Revolution, he
carried forward with intense diplomatic
activity. Captured by the Republic
ideals, he left the Duke to obtain a
place as commissar in the Ministry of
War. His reorganization has been
credited as having a role in the
Revolutionary Army victory in the Battle
of Valmy. Later, after the desertion of
general Charles François Dumouriez, he
was however arrested as "Orleaniste",
being freed after the Thermidorian
Reaction.
He thenceforth spent some time in
ballistic studies, which led him to the
invention of the modern artillery shell.
In 1795 he requested of the Committee of
Public Safety reintegration in the army,
which was ignored. His attempts to
obtain a diplomatic position and to
found a bank were also unsuccessful.
Eventually, Laclos met the young general
and recent First Consul, Napoleon
Bonaparte, and joined his party. On 16
January 1800 he was reinstated in the
Army as Brigadier General in the Armée
du Rhin, taking part in the Battle of
Biberach.
Made commander-in-chief of Reserve
Artillery in Italy (1803), Laclos died
shortly afterward in the former convent
of St. Francis of Assisi at Taranto,
probably of dysentery and malaria. He
was buried in the fort still bearing his
name (Forte de Laclos) in the Isola di
San Paolo near the city, built under his
direction. Following the restoration of
the House of Bourbon in southern Italy,
his burial tomb was destroyed; it is
believed that his bones were tossed into
the sea.
Dangerous Liaisons
Les Liaisons dangereuses
(Dangerous Liaisons) is a French
epistolary novel by Pierre Choderlos de
Laclos, first published in four volumes
by Durand Neveu from March 23, 1782.
It is the story of the Marquise de
Merteuil and the Vicomte de Valmont, two
rivals (and ex-lovers) who use sex as a
weapon to humiliate and degrade others,
all the while enjoying their cruel
games. It has been claimed to depict the
decadence of the French aristocracy
shortly before the French Revolution,
thereby exposing the perversions of the
so-called Ancien Régime. However, it has
also been described as a vague, amoral
story.
The book is an epistolary novel,
composed entirely of letters written by
the various characters to each other. In
particular, the letters between Valmont
and the Marquise drive the plot, with
those of other characters serving as
illustrations to give the story its
depth.
It is often claimed to be the source
of the saying "Revenge is a dish best
served cold", a paraphrased translation
of "La vengeance est un plat qui se
mange froid" (more literally, "Revenge
is a dish that is eaten cold"). However
the expression does not actually occur
in the original novel.
Plot summary
The Vicomte de Valmont is determined to
seduce the virtuous (and married) Madame
de Tourvel, who is living with Valmont's
aunt while Monsieur de Tourvel is away
for a court case. At the same time, the
Marquise de Merteuil is determined to
corrupt the young Cécile de Volanges,
whose mother has only recently brought
her out of a convent to be married to a
former lover of Merteuil. Cécile falls
in love with the Chevalier Danceny (her
music tutor) and Merteuil and Valmont
pretend to want to help the secret
lovers in order to gain their trust, so
that they can use them later in their
own schemes.
Merteuil suggests that the Vicomte
seduce Cécile in order to exact her
revenge on Cécile's future husband.
Valmont refuses, finding the task too
easy, and preferring to devote himself
to seducing Madame de Tourvel. Merteuil
promises Valmont that if he seduces
Madame de Tourvel and provides her with
written proof, she will spend the night
with him. He expects rapid success, but
does not find it as easy as his many
other conquests. During the course of
his pursuit, he discovers that Cécile's
mother has written to Madame de Tourvel
about his bad reputation. He avenges
himself in seducing Cécile as Merteuil
had suggested. In the meantime, Merteuil
takes Danceny as a lover.
By the time Valmont has succeeded in
seducing Madame de Tourvel, it is
suggested that he might have fallen in
love with her. Jealous, Merteuil tricks
him into deserting Madame de Tourvel —
and reneges on her promise of spending
the night with him. In response Valmont
reveals that he prompted Danceny to
reunite with Cécile, thus abandoning
Merteuil. Merteuil declares war on
Valmont, as such she reveals to Danceny
that Valmont seduced Cécile. Danceny and
Valmont duel. Valmont is fatally
wounded, but before he dies he is
reconciled with Danceny, giving him the
letters proving Merteuil's own
involvement. Two of these letters are
sufficient to ruin her health and her
reputation, and she flees the country.
Furthermore, her face is left
permanently scarred by illness, and so
she loses her greatest asset: her
beauty. But the innocent still suffer:
hearing of Valmont's death, Madame de
Tourvel succumbs to a fever, while
Cécile returns to the convent.
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Jacques-Henri Bernardin de
Saint-Pierre
"Paul
and Virginia"

born Jan. 19, 1737, Le Havre, France
died Jan. 21, 1814, Éragny
French writer who is best remembered for
Paul et Virginie, a short novel about
innocent love.
Bernardin’s army service as an
engineer on the island of Mauritius in
the Indian Ocean provided him with
material for Voyage à l’Île de France
(1773), with which he opened his
literary career. The work brought him to
the attention of Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
whose friendship did much to mold the
views expressed in Bernardin’s Études de
la nature (1784; “Studies of Nature”).
To the third edition of Études (1788) he
appended Paul et Virginie, the story of
two island children whose love for each
other, begun in their infancy, thrives
in an unspoiled natural setting but ends
tragically when civilization interferes.
In a later work, La Chaumière indienne
(1790; “The Indian Cottage”), a traveler
finds wisdom in the cottage of an Indian
outcast. Cultural primitivism, which
Bernardin was one of the first to
celebrate, became one of the central
ideas of the Romantic movement.
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Nicolas-Edme Restif de la
Bretonne

born Oct. 23, 1734, Sacy, near
Auxerre, France
died Feb. 3, 1806, Paris
French novelist whose works provide
lively, detailed accounts of the sordid
aspects of French life and society in
the 18th century.
After serving his apprenticeship as a
printer in Auxerre, Restif went to
Paris, where he eventually set the type
for some of his own works—books long
prized by collectors for their rarity,
quaint typography, and beautiful and
curious illustrations.
His novels are rambling and
carelessly written. While he parades his
moralistic intentions and frequently
airs his views on the reform of society,
his preoccupation with eroticism, tinged
with mysticism, has led to his being
called “the Rousseau of the gutter.” The
author’s life formed the basis of much
of his writing, as in La Vie de mon père
(1779; My Father’s Life), a vivid
picture of peasant life. But in this
work, as in his autobiography, Monsieur
Nicolas (1794–97), much of which is set
in the Parisian underworld, Restif’s
vivid imagination has rendered it
difficult to separate fact from fiction.
Restif left another record of his
observation of Parisian life in his own
day in Les Contemporaines (1780–85; “The
Modern Women”), while Le Paysan perverti
(1776; “The Corrupted [Male] Peasant”)
and La Paysanne pervertie (1784; “The
Corrupted [Female] Peasant”) develop the
theme of the demoralization of virtuous
country folk in the metropolis.
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Louis-Sébastien Mercier

born June 6, 1740, Paris, France
died April 25, 1814, Paris
one of the first French writers of
drame bourgeois (middle-class drama). In
Du théâtre (1773; “About the Theatre”),
he emphasized the didactic function of
the theatre, and in his plays he
presented a thesis, subordinating
dramatic considerations to the didactic
end. He criticized traditional French
tragedy as artificial and sterile,
though he was not himself a technical
innovator.
Mercier wrote about 60 plays,
including a social comedy, La Brouette
du vinaigrier (1775; “The Barrel-load of
the Vinegar Merchant”); Jenneval
(published 1767; performed 1781),
adapted from George Lillo’s London
Merchant (1731); such dramas as Le Faux
Ami (1772; “The False Friend”) and the
antimilitarist Le Déserteur (published
1770, performed 1782; “The Deserter”);
and two historical dramas about the
French religious wars, Jean Hennuyer
évêque de Lisieux (1772; “Jean Hennuyer,
Bishop of Lisieux”) and La Destruction
de la ligue (1782; “The Destruction of
the League”), which were so anticlerical
and antimonarchical that they were not
performed until after the French
Revolution. Mercier also wrote a work of
prophetic imagination, L’An 2440 (1770;
“The Year 2440”), and Le Tableau de
Paris (2 vol., 1781; 12 vol., 1782–89;
“The Tableau of Paris”), a work that
classifies social types in a way that
foreshadows the novels of Honoré de
Balzac.
Mercier, nicknamed “Le Singe de
Jean-Jacques” (“Jean-Jacques’ Ape”), was
strongly influenced by Jean-Jacques
Rousseau’s views of society, rejecting
the prevalent belief in progress. As a
moderate member of the Convention, he
opposed the death penalty for Louis XVI.
He was imprisoned during the Terror but
was released after Robespierre’s death.
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Donatien-Alphonse-François, comte de Sade
1."Justine"
Illustrations by Mahlon Blaine
2.Illustration of a Dutch printing of the books by the
Marquis de Sade
3."The 120 Days of
Sodom"

French author
byname of Donatien-Alphonse-François, Comte de Sade
born June 2, 1740, Paris, France
died Dec. 2, 1814, Charenton, near Paris
Main
French nobleman whose perverse sexual preferences and erotic writings
gave rise to the term sadism. His best-known work is the novel Justine
(1791).
Heritage and youth
Related to the royal house of Condé, the de Sade family numbered among
its ancestors Laure de Noves, whom the 14th-century Italian poet
Petrarch immortalized in verse. When the marquis was born at the Condé
mansion, his father was away from home on a diplomatic mission. De
Sade’s mother, Marie Elénore Maillé de Carman, was a lady-in-waiting to
the princesse de Condé.
After early schooling with his uncle, Abbé de Sade of Ebreuil, the
marquis continued his studies at the Lycée Louis-le-Grand in Paris. His
aristocratic background entitled him to various ranks in the king’s
regiments, and in 1754 he began a military career, which he abandoned in
1763 at the end of the Seven Years’ War. In that year he married the
daughter of a high-ranking bourgeois family de robe (“of the
magistracy”), the Montreuils. By her he had two sons, Louis-Marie and
Donatien-Claude-Armand, and one daughter, Madeleine-Laure.
In the very first months of his marriage he began an affair with an
actress, La Beauvoisin, who had had numerous previous protectors. He
invited prostitutes to his “little house” at Arcueil and subjected them
to various sexual abuses. For this he was imprisoned, on orders of the
king, in the fortress of Vincennes. Freed several weeks later, he
resumed his life of debauchery and went deeply into debt. In 1768 the
first public scandal erupted: the Rose Keller affair.
Rose Keller was a young prostitute he had met on Easter Sunday in
Paris. He took her to his house in Arcueil, where he locked her up and
abused her sexually. She escaped and related the unnatural acts and
brutality to persons in the neighbourhood and showed them her wounds. De
Sade was sentenced to the fortress of Pierre-Encise, near Lyon, for his
offenses.
After his release he retired to his château of La Coste. In June 1772
he went to Marseille to get some much-needed money. There he engaged his
male servant Latour to find him some prostitutes, upon whom the marquis
committed his usual sexual excesses. (Meanwhile, at his bidding, Latour
engaged in sodomy with him.) The young women helped themselves liberally
to the marquis’s pillbox filled with candies that contained the
aphrodisiac Spanish fly. When soon thereafter they suffered upset
stomachs, they feared they had been poisoned. De Sade and Latour fled to
the estates of the king of Sardinia, who had them arrested. The
Parlement at Aix sentenced them to death by default and, on Sept. 12,
1772, executed them in effigy. After escaping from the fortress of
Miolans, de Sade took refuge in his château at La Coste, rejoining his
wife. She became his accomplice and shared his pleasures, until the
parents of the neighbourhood boys and girls he had abducted complained
to the crown prosecutor. De Sade fled to Italy accompanied by his
sister-in-law, the canoness de Launay, who had become his mistress. He
returned to La Coste on Nov. 4, 1776. One incident followed another in
an atmosphere of continual scandal, and, on his return to Paris, the
marquis was arrested and sent to the dungeon of Vincennes on Feb. 13,
1777.
Conditions in this prison were harsh. During his detention de Sade
quarreled with his jailer, with the prison director, and with a fellow
prisoner, Victor Riqueti, the marquis de Mirabeau, whom he had insulted.
He tried to incite the other prisoners to revolt. Visits from his wife,
who was eventually allowed to see him, were banned after an episode in
which he fell into a fit of jealous rage precipitated by his suspicion
that she was about to leave him and was plotting against him. The
marquise retired to a convent.

Writings
De Sade overcame his boredom and anger in prison by writing sexually
graphic novels and plays. In July 1782 he finished his Dialogue entre un
prêtre et un moribond (Dialogue Between a Priest and a Dying Man), in
which he declared himself an atheist. His letters to his lawyer as well
as to his wife combine incisive wit with an implacable spirit of revolt.
On Feb. 27, 1784, he was transferred to the Bastille in Paris. On a roll
of paper some 12 m (39 feet) long, he wrote Les 120 Journées de Sodome
(One Hundred and Twenty Days of Sodom), in which he graphically
describes numerous varieties of sexual perversion. In 1787 he wrote his
most famous work, Les Infortunes de la vertu (an early version of
Justine), and, in 1788, the novellas, tales, and short stories later
published in the volume entitled Les Crimes de l’amour (Crimes of
Passion).
A few days before the French Revolutionaries stormed the Bastille on
July 14, 1789, de Sade had shouted through a window, “They are
massacring the prisoners; you must come and free them.” He was
transferred to the insane asylum at Charenton, where he remained until
April 2, 1790.
On his release, de Sade offered several plays to the
Comédie-Française as well as to other theatres. Though five of them were
accepted, not all of them were performed. Separated from his wife, he
lived now with a young actress, the widow Quesnet, and wrote his novels
Justine, ou les malheurs de la vertu (Justine; or, The Misfortunes of
Virtue) and Juliette. In 1792 he became secretary of the Revolutionary
Section of Les Piques in Paris, was one of the delegates appointed to
visit hospitals in Paris, and wrote several patriotic addresses. During
the Reign of Terror he saved the life of his father-in-law, Montreuil,
and that of the latter’s wife, even though they had been responsible for
his various imprisonments. He gave speeches on behalf of the Revolution
but was nevertheless accused of modérantisme (“moderatism”) and
mistakenly inscribed on the list of émigrés. He escaped the guillotine
by chance the day before the Revolutionary leader Robespierre was
overthrown. At the time he was living with the widow Quesnet in
conditions of abject poverty.
On March 6, 1801, he was arrested at his publisher’s, where copies of
Justine and Juliette were found with notes in his hand and several
handwritten manuscripts. Again he was sent to Charenton, where he caused
new scandals. His repeated protests had no effect on Napoleon, who saw
to it personally that de Sade was deprived of all freedom of movement.
Nevertheless, he succeeded in having his plays put on at Charenton, with
the inmates themselves as the actors. He began work on an ambitious
10-volume novel, at least two volumes of which were written: Les
Journées de Florbelle ou la nature dévoilée (“The Days of Florbelle or
Nature Unveiled”). After his death his elder son burned these writings,
together with other manuscripts.
His remains were scattered. In his will, drawn up in 1806, he asked
that “the traces of my grave disappear from the face of the earth, as I
flatter myself that my memory will be effaced from the mind of men.”
Assessment
In the course of a life that scandalized his contemporaries, de Sade
lived out many examples of the sexual compulsion on which his works
centred. His writings are still officially banned by the French courts.
As an author, de Sade is to some an incarnation of absolute evil who
advocates the unleashing of instincts even to the point of crime. Others
have looked upon him as a champion of total liberation through the
satisfaction of his desires in all forms. De Sade’s works were widely
read (mostly “underground”) in the 19th century, especially by writers
and artists. At the outset of the 20th century the French poet Guillaume
Apollinaire helped to establish de Sade’s status in the domain of
culture. Today de Sade’s writings can be more comfortably categorized;
they belong to the history of ideas and mark an important moment in the
history of literature—with de Sade figuring as the first of the modern
écrivains maudits (“damned writers”).
Maurice Nadeau
Salò,
or the 120 Days of Sodom
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Salò o le 120 giornate di
Sodoma (Salò or the 120 Days of Sodom), commonly referred to
as Salò, is a controversial 1975 Italian drama film written
and directed by Italian director Pier Paolo Pasolini with
uncredited writing contributions by Pupi Avati. It is based
on the book The 120 Days of Sodom by the Marquis de Sade.
Because of its scenes depicting intensely graphic violence,
sadism, and sexual depravity, the movie was extremely
controversial upon its release, and remains banned in
several countries to this day. It was Pasolini's last film;
he was murdered shortly before Salò was released.
The film focuses on four
wealthy, corrupted fascist libertines in Benito Mussolini's
Italy in 1944 who kidnap a total of eighteen teenage boys
and girls and subject them to four months of extreme
violence, sadism, sexual and mental torture before finally
executing them one by one. The film is noted for exploring
the themes of political corruption, abuse of power, sadism,
perversion, sexuality, and fascism.
Although it remains a
controversial film to this day, it has been praised by
various film historians and critics, and while not typically
considered a horror film, Salò was named the 65th scariest
film ever made by the Chicago Film Critics Association in
2006 and is the subject of an article in The Penguin
Encyclopedia of Horror and the Supernatural (1986).
Plot The film is set in the Republic of Salò, the
Fascist-occupied portion of Italy in 1944. The story is in
four segments loosely parallel to Dante's Inferno: the
Anteinferno, the Circle of Manias, the Circle of Shit, and
the Circle of Blood.
Four men of power, the Duke
(Duc de Blangis), the Bishop, the Magistrate (Curval), and
the President (apparently Durcet) agree to marry each
other's daughters as the first step in a debauched ritual.
With the aid of several collaborator young men, they kidnap
eighteen young men and women (nine of each sex), and take
them to a palace near Marzabotto. Accompanying them are four
middle-aged prostitutes, also collaborators, whose function
in the debauchery will be to recount erotically arousing
stories for the men of power, and who, in turn, will
sadistically exploit their victims.
The story depicts some of
the many days at the palace, during which the four men of
power devise increasingly abhorrent tortures and
humiliations for their own pleasure. In the Anteinferno
segment, the captures of some victims by the collaborators
are shown, and, later, the four lords examining them. The
Circle of Manias presents some of the stories in the first
part of Sade's book, told by Mrs. Vaccari (Hélène Surgère).
In the Circle of Shit, the passions escalate in intensity
from mainly non-penetrative sex to coprophagia. A most
infamous scene shows a young woman forced to eat the feces
of the Duke; later, the other victims are presented a giant
meal of human feces. The Circle of Blood starts with a black
mass-like wedding between the guards and the men of power,
after which the Bishop has sex with a male victim. The
Bishop then leaves to examine the captives in their rooms,
where they start systematically betraying each other: one
girl is revealed to be hiding a photograph, two girls are
shown to be having a secret sexual affair, and finally, a
collaborator (Ezio Manni) and the black servant (Ines
Pellegrini) are shot down after being found having sex.
Toward the end, the remaining victims who chose to not
collaborate with their fascist tormentors are murdered
through methods like scalping, branding, tongue and eyes cut
out as each libertine takes his turn to watch, as voyeur.
The film's final shot
portrays the complacency, myopia, and desensitization of the
masses: two young soldiers, who had witnessed and
collaborated in all of the prior atrocities, dance a simple
waltz together.
Production Salò transposes the setting of the Marquis de Sade's book
from 18th century France to the last days of Benito
Mussolini's regime in the Republic of Salò. However, despite
the horrors that it shows (rape, torture, and mutilation),
it barely touches the perversions listed in the book, which
include extensive sexual and physical abuse of
children.
While the book provides the
most important foundations of Salò, the events in the film
draw as much on Pasolini's own life as on Sade's novel.
Pasolini spent part of his early twenties in the Republic of
Salò. During this time he witnessed a great many cruelties
on the part of the Fascist collaborationist forces of the
Salò Republic. Pasolini’s life followed a strange course of
early experimentation and constant struggle. Growing up in
Bologna and Friuli, Pasolini was introduced to many leftist
examples in mass culture from an early age. He began writing
at age seven, heavily under the influence of French poet
Arthur Rimbaud. His writing quickly began to incorporate
certain aspects of his personal life, mainly dealing with
constant familial struggles and moving from city to city.
After studying major
literary giants in high school, Pasolini enrolled in the
University of Bologna for further education. Many of his
memories of the experience led to the conceptualization of
"Salò." He also claimed that the film was highly symbolic
and metaphorical; for instance, that the coprophagia scenes
were an indictment of mass-produced foods, which he labeled
"useless refuse."
Although his career, in
both film and literature, was highly prolific and
far-reaching, Pasolini dealt with some major constants
within his work. His first published novel in 1955 dealt
with the concept of pimps and scandals within a world of
prostitution. This first novel, titled Ragazzi di vita,
created much scandal and brought about subsequent charges of
obscenity.
One of his first major
films, Accattone (1961), dealt with similar issues and was
also received by an unwelcoming audience, who demanded
harsher codes of censorship. It is hard to quickly sum up
the vast amount of work which Pasolini created throughout
his lifetime, but it becomes clear that so much of it
focused around a very personal attachment to subject matter,
as well as overt sexual themes.
Film's treatment of sexuality
A persistent theme in Salò is the degradation and
modification of the human body. Throughout the story, the
human body is reduced to something of lesser value than a
person - for example, never does a sexual encounter occur in
private (save the consensual sex between the Bishop and a
young captive). Salò has been referred to as a film
presenting the "death of sex", a "funeral dirge" of
eroticism amidst sex's mass commercialization. Although
men and women are naked throughout the story, sexual
intercourse mostly is presented as an act of degradation.
Thus, one of the libertines makes love to a guard, then goes
to inspect the captive teenagers. When he finds two women
making love (in violation of the libertines' laws), they
reveal that another guard has been sleeping with a maid. The
libertines then seek and kill the guard and the maid. Salò's
depiction of sexual intercourse contrasts with that in
erotic cinema: Salò presents sexual intercourse as pain, and
deliberately avoids cinematic foreplay, leaving the sex acts
as devoid of romantic allure and intrigue.
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APPENDIX
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Etienne Bonnot de Condillac

French philosopher
born Sept. 30, 1715, Grenoble, Fr.
died Aug. 2/3, 1780, Flux
Main
philosopher, psychologist, logician, economist, and the
leading advocate in France of the ideas of John Locke
(1632–1704).
Ordained a Roman Catholic priest in 1740, Condillac began
a lifelong friendship in the same year with the philosopher
J.-J. Rousseau, employed by Condillac’s elder brother, Jean,
as a tutor. Moving to Paris, Condillac became acquainted
with the Encyclopaedists, a group of writers led by Denis
Diderot. There his position was established in the literary
salons by his first book, Essai sur l’origine des
connaissances humaines (1746; “Essay on the Origin of Human
Knowledge”), and by his second, Traité des systèmes (1749;
“Treatise on Systems”). In 1752 he was elected to the Berlin
Academy. His Traité des sensations (1754; “Treatise on
Sensations”) and Traité des animaux (1755; “Treatise on
Animals”) followed, and in 1758 he was appointed tutor to
the young prince Ferdinand of Parma. He was elected to the
Académie Française in 1768 and later published Le Commerce
et le gouvernement considérés relativement l’un à l’autre
(1776; “Commerce and Government Considered in Relation to
One Another”). Finding the irreligious climate of Parisian
intellectual society offensive, he retired to spend his last
years at Flux, near Beaugency.
In his works La Logique (1780) and La Langue des calculs
(1798; “The Language of Calculation”), Condillac emphasized
the importance of language in logical reasoning, stressing
the need for a scientifically designed language and for
mathematical calculation as its basis. His economic views,
which were presented in Le Commerce et le gouvernement, were
based on the notion that value depends not on labour but
rather on utility. The need for something useful, he argued,
gives rise to value, while prices result from the exchange
of valued items.
As a philosopher, Condillac gave systematic expression to
the views of Locke, previously made fashionable in France by
Voltaire. Like Locke, Condillac maintained an empirical
sensationalism based on the principle that observations made
by sense perception are the foundation for human knowledge.
The ideas of the Essai are close to those of Locke, though
on certain points Condillac modified Locke’s position. In
his most significant work, the Traité des sensations,
Condillac questioned Locke’s doctrine that the senses
provide intuitive knowledge. He doubted, for example, that
the human eye makes naturally correct judgments about the
shapes, sizes, positions, and distances of objects.
Examining the knowledge gained by each sense separately, he
concluded that all human knowledge is transformed sensation,
to the exclusion of any other principle, such as Locke’s
additional principle of reflection.
Despite Condillac’s naturalistic psychology, his
statements concerning the nature of religion are consistent
with his priestly vocation. He maintained a belief in the
reality of the soul, which did not conflict, in his view,
with the opening words of the Essai: “Whether we rise to
heaven, or descend to the abyss, we never get outside
ourselves—it is always our own thoughts that we perceive.”
This doctrine became the foundation of the French
philosophical movement known as Idéologie and was taught for
more than 50 years in French schools.
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Jean Le Rond d’Alembert

French mathematician and philosopher
born , Nov. 17, 1717, Paris, France
died Oct. 29, 1783, Paris
Main
French mathematician, philosopher, and writer, who achieved
fame as a mathematician and scientist before acquiring a
considerable reputation as a contributor to and editor of
the famous Encyclopédie.
Early life
The illegitimate son of a famous hostess, Mme de Tencin, and
one of her lovers, the chevalier Destouches-Canon,
d’Alembert was abandoned on the steps of the Parisian church
of Saint-Jean-le-Rond, from which he derived his Christian
name. Although Mme de Tencin never recognized her son,
Destouches eventually sought out the child and entrusted him
to a glazier’s wife, whom d’Alembert always treated as his
mother. Through his father’s influence, he was admitted to a
prestigious Jansenist school, enrolling first as Jean-Baptiste
Daremberg and subsequently changing his name, perhaps for
reasons of euphony, to d’Alembert. Although Destouches never
disclosed his identity as father of the child, he left his
son an annuity of 1,200 livres. D’Alembert’s teachers at
first hoped to train him for theology, being perhaps
encouraged by a commentary he wrote on St. Paul’s Letter to
the Romans, but they inspired in him only a lifelong
aversion to the subject. He spent two years studying law and
became an advocate in 1738, although he never practiced.
After taking up medicine for a year, he finally devoted
himself to mathematics—“the only occupation,” he said later,
“which really interested me.” Apart from some private
lessons, d’Alembert was almost entirely self-taught.
Mathematics
In 1739 he read his first paper to the Academy of Sciences,
of which he became a member in 1741. In 1743, at the age of
26, he published his important Traité de dynamique, a
fundamental treatise on dynamics containing the famous
“d’Alembert’s principle,” which states that Newton’s third
law of motion (for every action there is an equal and
opposite reaction) is true for bodies that are free to move
as well as for bodies rigidly fixed. Other mathematical
works followed very rapidly; in 1744 he applied his
principle to the theory of equilibrium and motion of fluids,
in his Traité de l’équilibre et du mouvement des fluides.
This discovery was followed by the development of partial
differential equations, a branch of the theory of calculus,
the first papers on which were published in his Réflexions
sur la cause générale des vents (1747). It won him a prize
at the Berlin Academy, to which he was elected the same
year. In 1747 he applied his new calculus to the problem of
vibrating strings, in his Recherches sur les cordes
vibrantes; in 1749 he furnished a method of applying his
principles to the motion of any body of a given shape; and
in 1749 he found an explanation of the precession of the
equinoxes (a gradual change in the position of the Earth’s
orbit), determined its characteristics, and explained the
phenomenon of the nutation (nodding) of the Earth’s axis, in
Recherches sur la précession des équinoxes et sur la
nutation de l’axe de la terre. In 1752 he published Essai
d’une nouvelle théorie de la résistance des fluides, an
essay containing various original ideas and new
observations. In it he considered air as an incompressible
elastic fluid composed of small particles and, carrying over
from the principles of solid body mechanics the view that
resistance is related to loss of momentum on impact of
moving bodies, he produced the surprising result that the
resistance of the particles was zero. D’Alembert was himself
dissatisfied with the result; the conclusion is known as
“d’Alembert’s paradox” and is not accepted by modern
physicists. In the Memoirs of the Berlin Academy he
published findings of his research on integral
calculus—which devises relationships of variables by means
of rates of change of their numerical value—a branch of
mathematical science that is greatly indebted to him. In his
Recherches sur différents points importants du système du
monde (1754–56) he perfected the solution of the problem of
the perturbations (variations of orbit) of the planets that
he had presented to the academy some years before. From 1761
to 1780 he published eight volumes of his Opuscules
mathématiques.
The Encyclopédie
Meanwhile, d’Alembert began an active social life and
frequented well-known salons, where he acquired a
considerable reputation as a witty conversationalist and
mimic. Like his fellow Philosophes—those thinkers, writers,
and scientists who believed in the sovereignty of reason and
nature (as opposed to authority and revelation) and rebelled
against old dogmas and institutions—he turned to the
improvement of society. A rationalist thinker in the
free-thinking tradition, he opposed religion and stood for
tolerance and free discussion; in politics the Philosophes
sought a liberal monarchy with an “enlightened” king who
would supplant the old aristocracy with a new, intellectual
aristocracy. Believing in man’s need to rely on his own
powers, they promulgated a new social morality to replace
Christian ethics. Science, the only real source of
knowledge, had to be popularized for the benefit of the
people, and it was in this tradition that he became
associated with the Encyclopédie about 1746. When the
original idea of a translation into French of Ephraim
Chambers’ English Cyclopædia was replaced by that of a new
work under the general editorship of the Philosophe Denis
Diderot, d’Alembert was made editor of the mathematical and
scientific articles. In fact, he not only helped with the
general editorship and contributed articles on other
subjects but also tried to secure support for the enterprise
in influential circles. He wrote the Discours préliminaire
that introduced the first volume of the work in 1751. This
was a remarkable attempt to present a unified view of
contemporary knowledge, tracing the development and
interrelationship of its various branches and showing how
they formed coherent parts of a single structure; the second
section of the Discours was devoted to the intellectual
history of Europe from the time of the Renaissance. In 1752
d’Alembert wrote a preface to Volume III, which was a
vigorous rejoinder to the Encyclopédie’s critics, while an
Éloge de Montesquieu, which served as the preface to Volume
V (1755), skillfully but somewhat disingenuously presented
Montesquieu as one of the Encyclopédie’s supporters.
Montesquieu had, in fact, refused an invitation to write the
articles “Democracy” and “Despotism,” and the promised
article on “Taste” remained unfinished at his death in 1755.
In 1756 d’Alembert went to stay with Voltaire at Geneva,
where he also collected information for an Encyclopédie
article, “Genève,” which praised the doctrines and practices
of the Genevan pastors. When it appeared in 1757, it aroused
angry protests in Geneva because it affirmed that many of
the ministers no longer believed in Christ’s divinity and
also advocated (probably at Voltaire’s instigation) the
establishment of a theatre. This article prompted Rousseau,
who had contributed the articles on music to the
Encyclopédie, to argue in his Lettre à d’Alembert sur les
spectacles (1758) that the theatre is invariably a
corrupting influence. D’Alembert himself replied with an
incisive but not unfriendly Lettre à J.-J. Rousseau, citoyen
de Genève. Gradually discouraged by the growing difficulties
of the enterprise, d’Alembert gave up his share of the
editorship at the beginning of 1758, thereafter limiting his
commitment to the production of mathematical and scientific
articles.
Later literary, scientific, and philosophical work
His earlier literary and philosophical activity, however,
led to the publication of his Mélanges de littérature,
d’histoire et de philosophie (1753). This work contained the
impressive Essai sur les gens de lettres, which exhorted
writers to pursue “liberty, truth and poverty” and also
urged aristocratic patrons to respect the talents and
independence of such writers.
Largely as a result of the persistent campaigning of Mme
du Deffand, a prominent hostess to writers and scientists,
d’Alembert was elected to the French Academy in 1754; he
proved himself to be a zealous member, working hard to
enhance the dignity of the institution in the eyes of the
public and striving steadfastly for the election of members
sympathetic to the cause of the Philosophes. His personal
position became even more influential in 1772 when he was
made permanent secretary. One of his functions was the
continuation of the Histoire des membres de l’Académie; this
involved writing the biographies of all the members who had
died between 1700 and 1772. He paid tribute to his
predecessors by means of Éloges that were delivered at
public sessions of the academy. Though of limited literary
value, they throw interesting light on his attitude toward
many contemporary problems and also reveal his desire to
establish a link between the Academy and the public.
From 1752 onward, Frederick II of Prussia repeatedly
tried to persuade d’Alembert to become president of the
Berlin Academy, but the philosopher contented himself with a
brief visit to the King at the Rhine village of Wesel in
1755 and a longer stay at Potsdam in 1763. For many years he
gave the King advice on the running of the academy and the
appointment of new members. In 1762 another monarch, the
empress Catherine II of Russia, invited d’Alembert to become
tutor to her son, the grand duke Paul; this offer also was
refused. Apart from fearing the harmful effects of foreign
residence upon his health and personal position, d’Alembert
did not wish to be separated from the intellectual life of
Paris.
Although as a skeptic, d’Alembert willingly supported the
Philosophes’ hostility to Christianity, he was too cautious
to become openly aggressive. The expulsion of the Jesuits
from France, however, prompted him to publish “by a
disinterested author,” at first anonymously, and then in his
own name, Sur la destruction des Jésuites en France (1765;
An Account of the Destruction of the Jesuits in France,
1766). He there tried to show that the Jesuits, in spite of
their qualities as scholars and educators, had destroyed
themselves through their inordinate love of power.
During these years d’Alembert’s interests included
musical theory. His Éléments de musique of 1752 was an
attempt to expound the principles of the composer
Jean-Philippe Rameau (1683–1764), who had consolidated
contemporary musical development into a harmonic system that
dominated Western music until about 1900. In 1754 d’Alembert
published an essay expressing his thoughts on music in
general—and French music in particular—entitled Réflexions
sur la musique en général et sur la musique française en
particulier. He also published in his mathematical opuscules
treatises on acoustics, the physics of sound, and he
contributed several articles on music to the Encyclopédie.
In 1765 a serious illness compelled him to leave his
foster-mother’s house, and he eventually went to live in the
house of Julie de Lespinasse, with whom he fell in love. He
was the leading intellectual figure in her salon, which
became an important recruiting centre for the French
Academy. Although they may have been intimate for a short
time, d’Alembert soon had to be satisfied with the role of
steadfast friend. He discovered the extent of her passionate
involvement with other men only after Julie’s death in 1776.
He transferred his home to an apartment at the Louvre—to
which he was entitled as secretary to the Academy—where he
died.
Assessment
Posterity has not confirmed the judgment of those
contemporaries who placed d’Alembert’s reputation next to
Voltaire’s. In spite of his original contributions to the
mathematical sciences, intellectual timidity prevented his
literary and philosophical work from attaining true
greatness. Nevertheless, his scientific background enabled
him to elaborate a philosophy of science that, inspired by
the rationalist ideal of the ultimate unity of all
knowledge, established “principles” making possible the
interconnection of the various branches of science.
Moreover, d’Alembert was a typical 18th-century Philosophe,
for in both his life and his work he tried to invest the
name with dignity and serious meaning. In his personal life
he was simple and frugal, never seeking wealth and
dispensing charity whenever possible, always watchful of his
integrity and independence, and constantly using his
influence, both at home and abroad, to encourage the advance
of “enlightenment.”
Ronald Grimsley
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Jean-Baptiste Lamarck

French biologist
in full Jean-Baptiste-Pierre-Antoine de Monet, chevalier de
Lamarck
born Aug. 1, 1744, Bazentin-le-Petit, Picardy, France
died Dec. 18, 1829, Paris
Main
pioneer French biologist who is best known for his idea that
acquired characters are inheritable, an idea known as
Lamarckism, which is controverted by modern genetics and
evolutionary theory.
Early life and career
Lamarck was the youngest of 11 children in a family of the
lesser nobility. His family intended him for the priesthood,
but, after the death of his father and the expulsion of the
Jesuits from France, Lamarck embarked on a military career
in 1761. As a soldier garrisoned in the south of France, he
became interested in collecting plants. An injury forced him
to resign in 1768, but his fascination for botany endured,
and it was as a botanist that he first built his scientific
reputation.
Lamarck gained attention among the naturalists in Paris
at the Jardin et Cabinet du Roi (the king’s garden and
natural history collection, known informally as the Jardin
du Roi) by claiming he could create a system for identifying
the plants of France that would be more efficient than any
system currently in existence, including that of the great
Swedish naturalist Carolus Linnaeus. This project appealed
to Georges-Louis Leclerc, comte de Buffon, who was the
director of the Jardin du Roi and Linnaeus’s greatest rival.
Buffon arranged to have Lamarck’s work published at
government expense, and Lamarck received the proceeds from
the sales. The work appeared in three volumes under the
title Flore française (1778; “French Flora”). Lamarck
designed the Flore française specifically for the task of
plant identification and used dichotomous keys, which are
classification tools that allow the user to choose between
opposing pairs of morphological characters (see taxonomy:
the objectives of biological classification) to achieve this
end.
With Buffon’s support, Lamarck was elected to the Academy
of Sciences in 1779. Two years later, Buffon named Lamarck
“correspondent” of the Jardin du Roi, evidently to give
Lamarck additional status while he escorted Buffon’s son on
a scientific tour of Europe. This provided Lamarck with his
first official connection, albeit an unsalaried one, with
the Jardin du Roi. Shortly after Buffon’s death in 1788, his
successor, Flahault de la Billarderie, created a salaried
position for Lamarck with the title of “botanist of the King
and keeper of the King’s herbaria.”
Between 1783 and 1792 Lamarck published three large
botanical volumes for the Encyclopédie méthodique
(“Methodical Encyclopaedia”), a massive publishing
enterprise begun by French publisher Charles-Joseph
Panckoucke in the late 18th century. Lamarck also published
botanical papers in the Mémoires of the Academy of Sciences.
In 1792 he cofounded and coedited a short-lived journal of
natural history, the Journal d’histoire naturelle.
Professorship at the National Museum of Natural History
Lamarck’s career changed dramatically in 1793 when the
former Jardin du Roi was transformed into the Muséum
National d’Histoire Naturelle (“National Museum of Natural
History”). In the changeover, all 12 of the scientists who
had been officers of the previous establishment were named
as professors and coadministrators of the new institution;
however, only two professorships of botany were created. The
botanists Antoine-Laurent de Jussieu and René Desfontaines
held greater claims to these positions, and Lamarck, in a
striking shift of responsibilities, was made professor of
the “insects, worms, and microscopic animals.” Although this
change of focus was remarkable, it was not wholly
unjustified, as Lamarck was an ardent shell collector.
Lamarck then set out to classify this large and poorly
analyzed expanse of the animal kingdom. Later he would name
this group “animals without vertebrae” and invent the term
invertebrate. By 1802 Lamarck had also introduced the term
biology.
This challenge would have been enough to occupy the
energies of most naturalists; however, Lamarck’s
intellectual aspirations ran well beyond that of reforming
invertebrate classification. In the 1790s he began promoting
the broad theories of physics, chemistry, and meteorology
that he had been nurturing for almost two decades. He also
began thinking about Earth’s geologic history and developed
notions that he would eventually publish under the title of
Hydrogéologie (1802). In his physico-chemical writings, he
advanced an old-fashioned, four-element theory that was
self-consciously at odds with the revolutionary advances of
the emerging pneumatic chemistry of Antoine-Laurent
Lavoisier. His colleagues at the Institute of France (the
successor to the Academy of Sciences) saw Lamarck’s broad
theorizing as unscientific “system building.” Lamarck in
turn became increasingly scornful of scientists who
preferred “small facts” to “larger,” more important ones. He
began to characterize himself as a “naturalist-philosopher,”
a person more concerned with the broader processes of nature
than the details of the chemist’s laboratory or naturalist’s
closet.
The inheritance of acquired characters
In 1800 Lamarck first set forth the revolutionary notion of
species mutability during a lecture to students in his
invertebrate zoology class at the National Museum of Natural
History. By 1802 the general outlines of his broad theory of
organic transformation had taken shape. He presented the
theory successively in his Recherches sur l’organisation des
corps vivans (1802; “Research on the Organization of Living
Bodies”), his Philosophie zoologique (1809; “Zoological
Philosophy”), and the introduction to his great multivolume
work on invertebrate classification, Histoire naturelle des
animaux sans vertèbres (1815–22; “Natural History of
Invertebrate Animals”). Lamarck’s theory of organic
development included the idea that the very simplest forms
of plant and animal life were the result of spontaneous
generation. Life became successively diversified, he
claimed, as the result of two very different sorts of
causes. He called the first “the power of life,” or the
“cause that tends to make organization increasingly
complex,” whereas he classified the second as the modifying
influence of particular circumstances (that is, the effects
of the environment). He explained this in his Philosophie
zoologique: “The state in which we now see all the animals
is on the one hand the product of the increasing composition
of organization, which tends to form a regular gradation,
and on the other hand that of the influences of a multitude
of very different circumstances that continually tend to
destroy the regularity in the gradation of the increasing
composition of organization.”
With this theory, Lamarck offered much more than an
account of how species change. He also explained what he
understood to be the shape of a truly “natural” system of
classification of the animal kingdom. The primary feature of
this system was a single scale of increasing complexity
composed of all the different classes of animals, starting
with the simplest microscopic organisms, or “infusorians,”
and rising up to the mammals. The species, however, could
not be arranged in a simple series. Lamarck described them
as forming “lateral ramifications” with respect to the
general “masses” of organization represented by the classes.
Lateral ramifications in species resulted when they
underwent transformations that reflected the diverse,
particular environments to which they had been exposed.
By Lamarck’s account, animals, in responding to different
environments, adopted new habits. Their new habits caused
them to use some organs more and some organs less, which
resulted in the strengthening of the former and the
weakening of the latter. New characters thus acquired by
organisms over the course of their lives were passed on to
the next generation (provided, in the case of sexual
reproduction, that both of the parents of the offspring had
undergone the same changes). Small changes that accumulated
over great periods of time produced major differences.
Lamarck thus explained how the shapes of giraffes, snakes,
storks, swans, and numerous other creatures were a
consequence of long-maintained habits. The basic idea of
“the inheritance of acquired characters” had originated with
Anaxagoras, Hippocrates, and others, but Lamarck was
essentially the first naturalist to argue at length that the
long-term operation of this process could result in species
change.
Later in the century, after English naturalist Charles
Darwin advanced his theory of evolution by natural
selection, the idea of the inheritance of acquired
characters came to be identified as a distinctively
“Lamarckian” view of organic change (though Darwin himself
also believed that acquired characters could be inherited).
The idea was not seriously challenged in biology until the
German biologist August Weismann did so in the 1880s. In the
20th century, since Lamarck’s idea failed to be confirmed
experimentally and the evidence commonly cited in its favour
was given different interpretations, it became thoroughly
discredited.
Lamarck made his most important contributions to science
as a botanical and zoological systematist, as a founder of
invertebrate paleontology, and as an evolutionary theorist.
In his own day, his theory of evolution was generally
rejected as implausible, unsubstantiated, or heretical.
Today he is primarily remembered for his notion of the
inheritance of acquired characteristics. Nonetheless,
Lamarck stands out in the history of biology as the first
writer to set forth—both systematically and in detail—a
comprehensive theory of organic evolution that accounted for
the successive production of all the different forms of life
on Earth.
Richard W. Burkhardt, Jr.
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Georges-Louis Leclerc, count de Buffon

French naturalist
original name (until c. 1725) Georges-Louis Leclerc, or (c.
1725–73) Georges-Louis Leclerc De Buffon
born September 7, 1707, Montbard, France
died April 16, 1788, Paris
Main
French naturalist, remembered for his comprehensive work on
natural history, Histoire naturelle, générale et
particulière (begun in 1749). He was created a count in
1773.
Buffon’s father, Benjamin Leclerc, was a state official
in Burgundy; his mother was a woman of spirit and learning,
and he was fond of saying that he got his intelligence from
her. The name Buffon came from an estate that he inherited
from his mother at about the age of 25.
Beginning his studies at the College of Godrans in Dijon,
which was run by the Jesuits, he seems now to have been only
an average student, but one with a marked taste for
mathematics. His father wanted him to have a legal career,
and in 1723 he began the study of law. In 1728, however, he
went to Angers, where he seems to have studied medicine and
botany as well as mathematics.
He was forced to leave Angers after a duel and took
refuge at Nantes, where he lived with a young Englishman,
the duke of Kingston. The two young men traveled to Italy,
arriving in Rome at the beginning of 1732. They also visited
England, and while there Buffon was elected a member of the
Royal Society.
The death of his mother called him back to France. He
settled down on the family estate at Montbard, where he
undertook his first research in the calculus of probability
and in the physical sciences. Buffon at that time was
particularly interested in questions of plant physiology. In
1735 he published a translation of Stephen Hales’s Vegetable
Staticks, in the preface of which he developed his
conception of scientific method. Maintaining an interest in
mathematics, he published a translation of Sir Isaac
Newton’s Fluxions in 1740. In his preface to this work he
discussed the history of the differences between Newton and
Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz over the discovery of the
infinitesimal calculus. He also made researches on the
properties of timbers and their improvement in his forests
in Burgundy.
In 1739, at the age of 32, he was appointed keeper of the
Jardin du Roi (the royal botanical garden, now the Jardin
des Plantes) and of the museum that formed part of it
through the patronage of the minister of marine, J.-F.-P. de
Maurepas, who realized the importance of science and was
anxious to use Buffon’s knowledge of timber for the
shipbuilding projects of the French government. Maurepas
also charged Buffon to undertake a catalog of the royal
collections in natural history, which the ambitious Buffon
transformed into an undertaking to produce an account of the
whole of nature. This became his great work, Histoire
naturelle, générale et particulière (1749–1804), which was
the first modern attempt to systematically present all
existing knowledge in the fields of natural history,
geology, and anthropology in a single publication.
Buffon’s Histoire naturelle was translated into various
languages and widely read throughout Europe. The first
edition is still highly prized by collectors for the beauty
of its illustrations. Although Buffon laboured arduously on
it—he spent eight months of the year on his estate at
Montbard, working up to 12 hours a day—he was able to
publish only 36 of the proposed 50 volumes before his death.
In the preparation of the first 15 volumes, which appeared
in 1749–67, he was assisted by Louis J.M. Daubenton and
several other associates. The next seven volumes formed a
supplement to the preceding and appeared in 1774–89, the
most famous section, Époques de la nature (1778), being
contained in the fifth of them. They were succeeded by nine
volumes on birds (1770–83), and these again by five volumes
on minerals (1783–88). The remaining eight volumes, which
complete the first edition, were done by the count de
Lacépède after Buffon’s death; they covered reptiles,
fishes, and cetaceans. To keep the descriptions of the
animals from becoming monotonous, Buffon interspersed them
with philosophic discussions on nature, the degeneration of
animals, the nature of birds, and other topics.
He was elected to the French Academy, where, on August
25, 1753, he delivered his celebrated Discours sur le style
(“Discourse on Style”), containing the line, “Le style c’est
l’homme même” (“The style is the man himself”). He was also
treasurer to the Academy of Sciences. During the brief trips
he made each year to Paris, he frequented the literary and
philosophical salons. Although he was a friend of Denis
Diderot and Jean Le Rond d’Alembert, he did not collaborate
on their Encyclopédie. He enjoyed his life at Montbard,
living in contact with nature and the peasants and managing
his properties himself. He built a menagerie and a large
aviary there and transformed one of his outbuildings into a
laboratory.
Buffon’s wife died in 1769, leaving him with a
five-year-old son. The boy showed signs of brilliance, and
when he was 17 Buffon asked the naturalist J.-B. Lamarck to
take him along on his botanical travels across Europe.
However, the younger Buffon was not interested in study. He
developed into a spendthrift, and his imprudences eventually
led him to the guillotine during the French Revolution
(1794).
In 1785 Buffon’s health began to decline. At the
beginning of 1788, feeling his end near, he returned to
Paris. Unable to leave his room, he was visited each day by
his friend Mme Necker, the wife of the finance minister
Jacques Necker. Mme Necker, who was with him to the very
end, is said to have understood him to murmur, “I declare
that I die in the religion in which I was born. . . . I
declare publicly that I believe in it.”
Buffon’s position among his contemporaries was by no
means assured. Though the public was nearly unanimous in its
admiration of him, he met with numerous detractors among the
learned. The theologians were aroused by his conceptions of
geological history; others criticized his views on
biological classification; the philosopher Étienne de
Condillac disputed his views on the mental faculties of
animals; and many took from his work only some general
philosophical ideas about nature that were not faithful to
what he had written. Voltaire did not appreciate his style,
and d’Alembert called him “the great phrasemonger.”
According to the writer J.-F. Marmontel, Buffon had to put
up with snubs from the mathematicians, chemists, and
astronomers, while the naturalists themselves gave him
little support and some even reproached him for writing
ostentatiously in a subject that required a simple and
natural style. He was even accused of plagiarism but made no
reply to his detractors, writing to a friend that “I shall
keep absolute silence . . . and let their attacks fall upon
themselves.”
In some areas of natural science Buffon had a lasting
influence. He was the first to reconstruct geological
history in a series of stages, in Époques de la nature
(1778). With his notion of lost species he opened the way to
the development of paleontology. He was the first to propose
the theory that the planets had been created in a collision
between the Sun and a comet. While his great project opened
up vast areas of knowledge that were beyond his powers to
encompass, his Histoire naturelle was the first work to
present the previously isolated and apparently disconnected
facts of natural history in a generally intelligible form.
Buffon’s writings are collected in Oeuvres complètes de
Buffon, 12 vol. (1853–55), revised and annotated by Pierre
Flourens.
Jean Piveteau
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