Martin Heidegger

German philosopher
born September 26, 1889, Messkirch, Schwarzwald, Germany
died May 26, 1976, Messkirch, West Germany
Main
German philosopher, counted among the main exponents of
existentialism. His groundbreaking work in ontology and
metaphysics determined the course of 20th-century philosophy
on the European continent and exerted an enormous influence
in virtually every other humanistic discipline, including
literary criticism, hermeneutics, psychology, and theology.
Background and youth
The son of a Roman Catholic sexton, Heidegger showed an
early interest in religion. Intending to become a priest, he
began theological studies at the University of Freiburg in
1909 but switched to philosophy and mathematics in 1911. His
interest in philosophy dated from at least 1907, however,
when he undertook an intensive study of Von der mannigfachen
Bedeutung des Seienden nach Aristoteles (1862; “On the
Manifold Meaning of Being According to Aristotle”) by the
19th-century German philosopher Franz Brentano.
Brentano’s work in ontology helped to inspire Heidegger’s
lifelong conviction that there is a single, basic sense of
the verb “to be” that lies behind all its varied usages.
From Brentano Heidegger also developed his enthusiasm for
the ancient Greeks—especially the pre-Socratics. In addition
to these philosophers, Heidegger’s work is obviously
influenced by Plato, Aristotle, the Gnostic philosophers of
the 2nd century ad, and several 19th- and early 20th-century
thinkers, including the early figures of existentialism,
Søren Kierkegaard and Friedrich Nietzsche; Wilhelm Dilthey,
who was noted for directing the attention of philosophers to
the human and historical sciences; and Edmund Husserl, the
founder of the phenomenological movement in philosophy.
While still in his 20s, Heidegger studied at Freiburg
with Heinrich Rickert, the leading figure of the axiological
school of neo-Kantianism, and with Husserl, who was then
already famous. Husserl’s phenomenology, and especially his
struggle against the intrusion of psychologism into
traditionally philosophical studies of man, determined the
background of the young Heidegger’s doctoral dissertation,
Die Lehre vom Urteil im Psychologismus: Ein
kritisch-positiver Beitrag zur Logik (“The Doctrine of
Judgment in Psychologism: A Critical-Positive Contribution
to Logic”; 1914). Consequently, what Heidegger later said
and wrote about anxiety, thinking, forgetfulness, curiosity,
distress, care, and awe was not meant as psychology; and
what he said about man, publicness, and other-directedness
was not intended to be sociology, anthropology, or political
science. His utterances were meant to disclose ways of
Being.
Philosophy
Heidegger began teaching at the University of Freiburg
during the winter semester of 1915 and wrote his
habilitation thesis on the 13th-century English Franciscan
philosopher Duns Scotus. As a colleague of Husserl,
Heidegger was expected to carry the phenomenological
movement forward in the spirit of his former master. As a
religiously inclined young man, however, he went his own way
instead. While serving as a professor ordinarius at Marburg
University (1923–28), he astonished the German philosophical
world with Being and Time (1927). Although almost
unreadable, it was immediately felt to be of prime
importance, whatever its relation to Husserl might be. In
spite of—and perhaps partly because of—its intriguingly
difficult style, Being and Time was acclaimed as a
masterpiece not only in German-speaking countries but also
in Latin ones, where phenomenology was well established. It
strongly influenced Jean-Paul Sartre and other
existentialists in France, and on the basis of this work
Heidegger came to be regarded as the leading atheistic
existentialist, though he always rejected that label. The
reception of Being and Time in the English-speaking world
was chilly, however, and its influence there was negligible
for several decades.
Heidegger’s declared purpose in Being and Time is to show
what it means for a person to be—or, more accurately, how it
is for a person to be. This task leads to a more fundamental
question: what does it mean to ask, “What is the meaning of
Being?” These questions lie behind the obviousness of
everyday life and, therefore, also behind the empirical
questions of natural science. They are usually overlooked,
because they are too near to everyday life to be grasped.
One might say that Heidegger’s entire prophetic mission
amounts to making each person ask this question with maximum
involvement. Whether one arrives at a definite answer is, in
the present crisis of mankind, of secondary importance.
This crisis, according to Heidegger, stems from the deep
“fall” (Verfall) of Western thought since the time of Plato,
a condition brought about by the one-sided development of
technological thinking and the neglect of other kinds,
resulting in alienation (Entfremdung)—or, as expressed in
terms more central to Heidegger’s thought, in a “highly
inauthentic way of being.” Although fallenness, or
inauthenticity, is an inescapable feature of human
existence—i.e., it is an existential, and an essential,
potentiality (Möglichkeit)—epochs and individuals may be
coloured by it in different degrees. This somewhat stern
outlook was mitigated in Heidegger’s later writings, in
which he suggested that it is possible to find a kind of
“redemption” through “thinking of Being”—a process that
would be led, he believed, by the continental European
countries rather than the eastern or other western ones.
As an aid in the effort to get back to “thinking of
Being” and its redemptive effects, Heidegger employs
linguistic, or hermeneutical, techniques. He develops his
own German, his own Greek, and his own etymologies—for
example, he coins about 100 new complex words ending with
“-being.” In reading his works one must, therefore,
translate many key terms back into Greek and then consider
his free, often special (but never uninteresting)
interpretations and etymologies.
The wealth of ideas in Being and Time is best discussed
in conjunction with those developed in another, shorter
work, What Is Metaphysics? (1929), which was originally
delivered as an inaugural lecture when Heidegger succeeded
Husserl at Freiburg in 1928. As Heidegger learned from
Husserl, it is the phenomenological and not the scientific
method that unveils man’s ways of Being. Thus, in pursuing
this method, Heidegger comes into conflict with the
dichotomy of the subject-object relation, which has
traditionally implied that man, as knower, is something
(some-thing) within an environment that is against him. This
relation, however, must be transcended. The deepest knowing,
on the contrary, is a matter of phainesthai (Greek: “to show
itself” or “to be in the light”), the word from which
phenomenology, as a method, is derived. Something is just
“there” in the light. Thus, the distinction between subject
and object is not immediate but comes only later through
conceptualization, as in the sciences.
Man stands out from things (ex-sists, not merely
ex-ists), says Heidegger in Being and Time, never being
completely absorbed by them but nevertheless being nothing
(no-thing) apart from them. Man dwells in a world that he
has been, and continues to be, “thrown into” until death.
Being thrown into things, being-there (Da-sein), he falls
away (Verfall) and is on the point of being submerged into
things. He is continually a pro-ject (Ent-wurf); but
periodically, or even normally, he may be submerged in
things to such a degree that he is temporarily absorbed
(Aufgehen in). He is then nobody in particular; and a
structure that Heidegger calls das Man (“the they”) is
revealed, recalling certain Anglo-American sociological
criticisms of modern industrial society that stress man’s
“other-directedness”—i.e., his tendency to measure himself
in terms of his peers. But Heidegger’s phenomenological
metaphors avoid the concepts of social science as much as
possible in favour of the concepts of ontology.
Characteristic of das Man are idle talk (Gerede) and
curiosity (Neugier). In Gerede, talker and listener do not
stand in any genuine personal relation or in any intimate
relation to what is talked about; hence, it leads to
shallowness. Curiosity is a form of distraction, a need for
the “new,” a need for something “different,” without real
interest or capability of wonder.
But there is a mood, anxiety or dread (Angst), that
functions to disclose (dis-close) authentic being, freedom
(Frei-sein), as a potentiality. It manifests the freedom of
man to choose himself and take hold of himself. The
relevance of time, of the finiteness of human existence, is
then experienced as a freedom to meet one’s own death (das
Freisein für den Tod), as a preparedness for and a
continuous relatedness to death (Sein zum Tode). In anxiety,
all entities (Seiendes) sink away into a “nothing and
nowhere,” and man hovers in himself as ex-sisting, being
nowhere at home (Un-heimlichkeit, Un-zu-hause). He faces
no-thing-ness (das Nichts); and all average, obvious
everydayness disappears—and this is good, since he now faces
the potentiality of authentic being.
Thus, for Heidegger the “sober” (nüchtern) anxiety and
the implied confrontation with death are primarily of
methodological importance, because through them fundamental
structures are revealed. Among them are potentialities for
being joyfully active (“. . . knowing joy [die wissende
Heiterkeit] is a door to the eternal”). Anxiety opens man up
to Being. This does not imply that Being partakes in the
dark aspect of dread, however; Being is associated with
“light” and with “the joyful” (das Heitere). Being “calls
the tune”; “to think Being” is to arrive at one’s (true)
home. Although Heideggerian students are often baffled by
just what Being and Thinking stand for, it is clear that
Heidegger opposes a cult of mankind and wishes to call
attention to something greater.
In the early 1930s Heidegger’s thought underwent a change
that scholars call his Kehre (“turning around”). Although
some specialists regard the Kehre as a turning away from the
central problem of Being and Time, Heidegger himself denied
this, insisting that he had been asking the same basic
question since his youth. Nevertheless, in his later years
he clearly became more reluctant to offer an answer, or even
to indicate a way in which an answer might be found.
Heidegger and Nazism
In the months after the appointment of Adolf Hitler as
chancellor of Germany in January 1933, German universities
came under increasing pressure to support the “national
revolution” and to eliminate Jewish scholars and the
teaching of “Jewish” doctrines, such as the theory of
relativity. After the rector of Freiburg resigned to protest
these policies, the university’s teaching staff elected
Heidegger as his successor in April 1933. One month later,
Heidegger became a member of the Nazi Party, and until he
resigned as rector in April 1934 he helped to institute Nazi
educational and cultural programs at Freiburg and vigorously
promoted the domestic and foreign policies of the Nazi
regime. Already during the late 1920s he had criticized the
dissolute nature of the German university system, where
“specialization” and the ideology of “academic freedom”
precluded the attainment of a higher unity. In a letter of
1929, he bemoaned the progressive “Jewification” (Verjudung)
of the German spirit. In his inaugural address, Die
Selbstbehauptung der deutschen Universität (“The
Self-Assertion of the German University”), he called for
reorganizing the university along the lines of the Nazi
Führerprinzip, or leadership principle, and celebrated the
fact that university life would henceforward be merged with
the state and the needs of the German Volk. During the first
month of his rectorship, he sent a telegram to Hitler urging
him to postpone an upcoming meeting of university rectors
until Gleichschaltung—the Nazi euphemism for the elimination
of political opponents—had been completed. In the fall of
1933, Heidegger began a speaking tour on behalf of Hitler’s
national referendum to withdraw Germany from the League of
Nations. As he proclaimed in one speech: “Let not doctrines
and ideas be your guide. The Führer is Germany’s only
reality and law.” Heidegger continued to support Hitler in
the years after his rectorship, though with somewhat less
enthusiasm than he had shown in 1933–34.
At the end of the war in 1945, a favourably disposed
university de-Nazification commission found Heidegger guilty
of having “consciously placed the great prestige of his
scholarly reputation … in the service of the National
Socialist Revolution,” and he was banned from further
teaching. (The ban was lifted in 1950.) In later years,
despite pleas from friends and associates to disavow
publicly his Nazi past, Heidegger declined to do so.
Instead, in his own defense, he preferred to cite a maxim
from the French poet Paul Valéry: “He who thinks greatly
must err greatly.” In his book Introduction to Metaphysics,
published in 1953, Heidegger retrospectively praised “the
inner truth and greatness of National Socialism.”
Beginning in the 1980s, there was considerable
controversy among Heidegger scholars regarding the alleged
connection between Heidegger’s philosophy and his political
views in the 1930s and ’40s. Were there affinities between
Heidegger’s philosophical thought, or his style of
philosophizing, and the totalitarian ideals of the Nazis?
Supporters of Heidegger, repeating a view prominent in the
first decades after the war, argued that there was nothing
inherently fascistic in his philosophy and that claims to
the contrary grossly distorted his work. Opponents, on the
other hand, cited parallels between the critical treatment
in Being and Time of notions such as “publicness,”
“everydayness,” “idle talk,” and “curiosity” and
fascist-oriented critiques of the vapidity and dissoluteness
of bourgeois liberalism. They also pointed to more specific
similarities evident in Division II of Being and Time, in
which Heidegger emphasizes the centrality of the Volk as a
historical actor and the importance of “choosing a hero,” an
idea widely promoted among the German right as the
Führerprinzip. For these scholars, Heidegger’s philosophical
critique of the condition of man in modern technological
society allowed him to regard the Nazi revolution as a
deliverance that would make the world “safe for Being.”
Among those who shared this view were the German
existentialist philosopher Karl Jaspers, who wrote in a
letter to the head of the de-Nazification commission that
“Heidegger’s manner of thinking, which to me seems in its
essence unfree, dictatorial, and incapable of communication,
would today be disastrous in its pedagogical effects.”
Assessment
Heidegger’s thought has been faulted on other grounds as
well. Some have suggested that his phenomenological method
rests on a grandiose illusion, and that the search for
“thinking Being” is merely a disguised quest for a kind of
belief in God. In the same vein, others have charged that
Heidegger’s abstruse terminology is only a mask disguising
and mystifying a more traditional approach to philosophy.
Such negative evaluations, if joined with a sincere attempt
to follow Heidegger’s own path through his writings, would
not be incompatible with his thought. After all, he asks—or
rather, provokes—his readers to question, not to listen to
answers. It is, therefore, misleading to present Heidegger’s
philosophy as a set of clearly understandable results. His
metaphors must remain, rather than be translated into the
usual philosophical terminology that he rejected.
Arne D. Naess
Richard Wolin