Human sexual behaviour
Encyclopaedia Britannica
Overview
Tendencies and behaviour of human beings with regard to any activity
that causes or is otherwise associated with sexual arousal.
It is strongly influenced by the genetically inherited sexual
response patterns that ensure reproduction (see reproductive behaviour),
societal attitudes toward sex, and each individual’s upbringing.
Physiology sets only very broad limits on human sexuality; most of the
enormous variation found among humans results from learning and
conditioning. What is deviant in one society may be normal in another.
Sexuality covers gender identity, sexual orientation, and actual
practices, as well as one’s acceptance of these aspects of one’s
personality, which may be more important than their specifics. See also
homosexuality; transsexualism.
Main
any activity—solitary, between two persons, or in a group—that induces
sexual arousal. There are two major determinants of human sexual
behaviour: the inherited sexual response patterns that have evolved as a
means of ensuring reproduction and that are a part of each individual’s
genetic inheritance, and the degree of restraint or other types of
influence exerted on the individual by society in the expression of his
sexuality. The objective here is to describe and explain both sets of
factors and their interaction.
It should be noted that taboos in Western culture and the immaturity
of the social sciences for a long time impeded research concerning human
sexual behaviour, so that by the early 20th century scientific knowledge
was largely restricted to individual case histories that had been
studied by such European writers as Sigmund Freud, Havelock Ellis, and
Richard, freiherr von Krafft-Ebing. By the 1920s, however, the
foundations had been laid for the more extensive statistical studies
that were conducted before World War II in the United States. Of the two
major organizations for sex study, one, the Institut für Sexual
wissenschaft in Berlin (established in 1897), was destroyed by the Nazis
in 1933. The other, the Institute for Sex Research (later renamed Kinsey
Institute for Research in Sex, Gender, and Reproduction), begun in 1938
by the American sexologist Alfred Charles Kinsey at Indiana University
in Bloomington, undertook the study of human sexual behaviour. Much of
the following discussion rests on the findings of the Institute for Sex
Research, which comprise the most comprehensive data available. The only
other country for which comprehensive data exist is Sweden.
Types of behaviour
Human sexual behaviour may conveniently be classified according to the
number and gender of the participants. There is solitary behaviour
involving only one individual, and there is sociosexual behaviour
involving more than one person. Sociosexual behaviour is generally
divided into heterosexual behaviour (male with female) and homosexual
behaviour (male with male or female with female). If three or more
individuals are involved it is, of course, possible to have heterosexual
and homosexual activity simultaneously.
In both solitary and sociosexual behaviour there may be activities
that are sufficiently unusual to warrant the label deviant behaviour.
The term deviant should not be used as a moral judgment but simply as
indicating that such activity is not common in a particular society.
Since human societies differ in their sexual practices, what is deviant
in one society may be normal in another.
Types of behaviour » Solitary behaviour
Self-masturbation is self-stimulation with the intention of causing
sexual arousal and, generally, orgasm (sexual climax). Most masturbation
is done in private as an end in itself but is sometimes practiced to
facilitate a sociosexual relationship.
Masturbation, generally beginning at or before puberty, is very
common among males, particularly young males, but becomes less frequent
or is abandoned when sociosexual activity is available. Consequently,
masturbation is most frequent among the unmarried. Fewer females
masturbate; in the United States, roughly one-half to two-thirds have
done so, as compared to nine out of ten males. Females also tend to
reduce or discontinue masturbation when they develop sociosexual
relationships. There is great individual variation in frequency, so that
it is impractical to try to define what range could be considered
“normal.”
The myth persists, despite scientific proof to the contrary, that
masturbation is physically harmful. Neither is there evidence that
masturbation is immature behaviour; it is common among adults deprived
of sociosexual opportunities. While solitary masturbation does provide
pleasure and relief from the tension of sexual excitement, it does not
have the same psychological gratification that interaction with another
person provides; thus, extremely few people prefer masturbation to
sociosexual activity. The psychological significance of masturbation
lies in how the individual regards it. For some, it is laden with guilt;
for others, it is a release from tension with no emotional content; and
for others it is simply another source of pleasure to be enjoyed for its
own sake.
The majority of males and females have fantasies of some sociosexual
activity while they masturbate. The fantasy not infrequently involves
idealized sexual partners and activities that the individual has not
experienced and even might avoid in real life.
Since the masturbating person is in sole control of the areas that
are stimulated, the degree of pressure, and the rapidity of movement,
masturbation is often more effective in producing sexual arousal and
orgasm than is sociosexual activity, during which the stimulation is
determined to some degree by one’s partner.
Orgasm in sleep evidently occurs only in humans. Its causes are not
wholly known. The idea that it results from the pressure of accumulated
semen is invalid because not only do nocturnal emissions sometimes occur
in males on successive nights, but females experience orgasm in sleep as
well. In some cases orgasm in sleep seems a compensatory phenomenon,
occurring during times when the individual has been deprived of or
abstains from other sexual activity. In other cases it may result from
external stimuli, such as sleeping prone or having night clothing caught
between one’s legs. Most orgasms during sleep are accompanied by erotic
dreams.
A great majority of males experience orgasm in sleep. This almost
always begins and is most frequent in adolescence, tending to disappear
later in life. Fewer females have orgasm in sleep, and, unlike males,
they usually begin having such experience when fully adult.
Orgasm in sleep is generally infrequent, seldom exceeding a dozen
times per year for males and three or four times a year for the average
female.
Most sexual arousal does not lead to sexual activity with another
individual. Humans are constantly exposed to sexual stimuli when seeing
attractive persons and are subjected to sexual themes in advertising and
the mass media. Response to such visual and other stimuli is strongest
in adolescence and early adult life and usually gradually declines with
advancing age. One of the necessary tasks of growing up is learning to
cope with one’s sexual arousal and to achieve some balance between
suppression, which can be injurious, and free expression, which can lead
to social difficulties. There is great variation among individuals in
the strength of sex drive and responsiveness, so this necessary exercise
of restraint is correspondingly difficult or easy.
Types of behaviour » Sociosexual behaviour
By far the greatest amount of sociosexual behaviour is heterosexual
behaviour between only one male and one female. Heterosexual behaviour
frequently begins in childhood, and, while much of it may be motivated
by curiosity, such as showing or examining genitalia, many children
engage in sex play because it is pleasurable. The sexual impulse and
responsiveness are present in varying degrees in most children and
latent in the remainder. With adolescence, sex play is superseded by
dating, which is socially encouraged, and dating almost inevitably
involves some physical contact resulting in sexual arousal. This
contact, labelled necking or petting, is a part of the learning process
and ultimately of courtship and the selection of a marriage partner.
Petting varies from hugging, kissing, and generalized caresses of the
clothed body to techniques involving genital stimulation. Petting may be
done for its own sake as an expression of affection and a source of
pleasure, and it may occur as a preliminary to coitus. This last form of
petting is known as foreplay. In a minority of cases, but a substantial
minority, petting leads to orgasm and may be a substitute for coitus.
Excluding foreplay, petting is usually very stereotyped, beginning with
hugging and kissing and gradually escalating to stimulation of the
breasts and genitalia. In most societies petting and its escalation are
initiated by the male more often than by the female, who generally
rejects or accepts the male’s overtures but refrains from playing a more
aggressive role. Petting in some form is a near-universal human
experience and is valuable not only in mate selection but as a means of
learning how to interact with another person sexually.
Coitus, the insertion of the penis into the vagina, is viewed by
society quite differently depending upon the marital status of the
individuals. The majority of human societies permit premarital coitus,
at least under certain circumstances. In more repressive societies, such
as modern Western society, it is more likely to be tolerated (but not
encouraged) if the individuals intend marriage. Marital coitus is
usually regarded as an obligation in most societies. Extramarital
coitus, particularly by wives, is generally condemned and, if permitted,
is allowed only under exceptional conditions or with specified persons.
Societies tend to be more lenient toward males than females regarding
extramarital coitus. This double standard of morality is also seen in
premarital life. Postmarital coitus (i.e., coitus by separated, divorced
or widowed persons) is almost always ignored. Even societies that try to
confine coitus to marriage recognize the difficulty of trying to force
abstinence upon sexually experienced and usually older persons.
In the United States and much of Europe, there has been, within the
last century, a progressive trend toward an increase in premarital
coitus. Currently in the United States, at least three-quarters of the
males and over half of the females have experienced premarital coitus.
The proportions for this experience vary in different groups and
socioeconomic classes. In Scandinavia, the incidence of premarital
coitus is far greater, exceeding the 90 percent mark in Sweden, where it
is now expected behaviour.
Extramarital coitus continues to be openly condemned but is becoming
more tolerated secretly, particularly if mitigating circumstances are
involved. In some areas, such as southern Europe and Latin America,
extramarital coitus is expected of most husbands and is accepted by
society if the behaviour is not too flagrant. The wives do not generally
approve but are resigned to what they believe to be a masculine
propensity. In the United States, where at least half the husbands and
one-quarter of the wives have extramarital coitus at some point in their
lives, there have recently developed small organizations or clubs that
exist to provide extramarital coitus for married couples. Despite the
publicity they have engendered, however, extremely few individuals have
belonged to such organizations. Most extramarital coitus is done
secretly without the knowledge of the spouse. Most husbands and wives
feel very possessive of their spouses and interpret extramarital
activity as an aspersion on their own sexual adequacy, as indicating a
loss of affection and as being a source of social disgrace.
Human beings are not inherently monogamous but have a natural desire
for diversity in their sexuality as in other aspects of life. Some
societies have provided a release for these desires by suspending the
restraints on extramarital coitus on special occasions or with certain
individuals, and in modern Western society a certain amount of
extramarital flirtation or mild petting at parties is not considered
unusual behaviour.
Discussion of sociosexual behaviour would be incomplete without some
note of the role it has played in ceremony and religion. While the major
religions of today are to varying degrees antisexual, many religions
have incorporated sexual behaviour into their rites and ceremonies.
Human beings’ ancient and continuing interest in their own fertility and
in that of food plants and animals makes such a connection between sex
and religion inevitable, particularly among peoples with uncertain food
supplies. In most religions the deities were considered to have active
sexual lives and sometimes took a sexual interest in humans. In this
regard it is noteworthy that in Christianity sexual behaviour is absent
in heaven and sexual proclivities are ascribed only to evil supernatural
beings: Satan, devils, incubi, and succubi (spirits or demons who seek
out sleeping humans for sexual intercourse).
Whether or not a behaviour is interpreted by society or the
individual as erotic (i.e., capable of engendering sexual response)
depends chiefly on the context in which the behaviour occurs. A kiss,
for example, may express asexual affection (as a kiss between
relatives), respect (a French officer kissing a soldier after bestowing
a medal on him), reverence (kissing the hand or foot of a pope), or it
may be a casual salutation and social amenity. Even something as
specific as touching genitalia is not construed as sexual if done for
medical reasons. In other words, the apparent motivation of the
behaviour determines its interpretation.
Individuals are extremely sensitive in judging motivations: a
greeting kiss, if protracted more than a second or two, takes on a
sexual connotation, and recent studies show that if an adult male at a
party stands closer than the length of his hand and forearm to a female,
she generally imputes a sexual motive to his proximity. Nudity is
construed as erotic or even as a sexual invitation—unless it occurs in a
medical context, in a group consisting of but one gender, or in a nudist
camp.
Physiological aspects » Sexual response
Sexual response follows a pattern of sequential stages or phases when
sexual activity is continued. First, there is the excitement phase
marked by increase in pulse and blood pressure, an increase in blood
supply to the surface of the body resulting in increased skin
temperature, flushing, and swelling of all distensible body parts
(particularly noticeable in the penis and female breasts), more rapid
breathing, the secretion of genital fluids, vaginal expansion, and a
general increase in muscle tension. These symptoms of arousal eventually
increase to a near maximal physiological level, the plateau phase, which
is generally of brief duration. If stimulation is continued, orgasm
usually occurs. Orgasm is marked by a feeling of sudden intense
pleasure, an abrupt increase in pulse rate and blood pressure, and
spasms of the pelvic muscles causing vaginal contractions in the female
and ejaculation by the male. Involuntary vocalization may also occur.
Orgasm lasts for a few seconds (normally not over ten), after which the
individual enters the resolution phase, the return to a normal or
subnormal physiological state. Up to the resolution phase, males and
females are the same in their response sequence, but, whereas males
return to normal even if stimluation continues, continued stimulation
can produce additional orgasms in females. In brief, after one orgasm a
male becomes unresponsive to sexual stimulation and cannot begin to
build up another excitement phase until some period of time has elapsed,
but females are physically capable of repeated orgasms without the
intervening “rest period” required by males.
Physiological aspects » Genetic and hormonal factors
While all normal individuals are born with the neurophysiology necessary
for the sexual-response cycle described above, inheritance determines
the intensity of their responses and their basic “sex drive.” There is
great variation in this regard: some persons have the need for frequent
sexual expressions; others require very little; and some persons respond
quickly and violently, while others are slower and milder in their
reactions. While the genetic basis of these differences is unknown and
while such variations are obscured by conditioning, there is no doubt
that sexual capacities, like all other physiological capacities, are
genetically determined. It is unlikely, however, that genes control the
sexual orientation of normal humans in the sense of individuals being
predestined to become homosexual or heterosexual. Some severe genetic
abnormality can, of course, profoundly affect intelligence, sexual
capacity, and physical appearance and hence the entire sexual life.
While the normal female has 44 autosomes plus two X-chromosomes
(female) and the normal male 44 autosomes plus one X-chromosome and one
Y-chromosome (male), many genetic abnormalities are possible. There are
females, for example, with too many X-chromosomes (44+XXX) or too few
(44+X) and males with an extra female chromosome (44+XXY) or an extra
male chromosome (44+XYY). No 44+YY males exist—an X-chromosome is
necessary for survival, even in the womb.
One’s genetic makeup determines one’s hormonal status and the
sensitivity of one’s body to these hormones. While a disorder of any
part of the endocrine system can adversely affect sexual life, the
hormones most directly influencing sexuality are the androgens (male sex
hormones), produced chiefly in the testicles, and the estrogens (female
sex hormones), produced chiefly in the ovaries. In early embryonic life
there are neither testicles nor ovaries but simply two undifferentiated
organs (gonads) that can develop either into testicles or ovaries. If
the embryo has a Y-chromosome, the gonads become testicles; otherwise,
they become ovaries. The testicles of the fetus produce androgens, and
these cause the fetus to develop male anatomy. The absence of testicles
results in the development of female anatomy. Animal experiments show
that, if the testicles of a male fetus are removed, the individual will
develop into what seems a female (although lacking ovaries).
Consequently, it has been said that humans are basically female.
After birth and until puberty, the ovaries and testicles produce
comparatively few hormones, and little girls and boys are much alike in
size and appearance. At puberty, however, these organs begin producing
in greater abundance, with dramatic results. The androgens produced by
boys cause changes in body build, greater muscular development, body and
facial hair, and voice change. In girls the estrogens cause breast
development, menstruation, and feminine body build. A boy castrated
before puberty does not develop masculine physical characteristics and
manifests in adult life more of a feminine body build, lack of masculine
body and facial hair, less muscular strength, a high voice, and small
genitalia. A girl who has her ovaries removed before puberty is less
markedly altered but retains a childlike body build, does not develop
breasts, and never menstruates. Castrated individuals or persons
producing insufficient hormones can be restored to a normal condition by
administration of appropriate hormones.
Beyond their role in developing the secondary sexual characteristics
of the body, the hormones continue to play a role in adult life. An
androgen deficiency causes a decrease in a man’s sexual responsiveness,
and an estrogen deficiency adversely affects a woman’s fertility and
causes atrophy of the genitalia. A loss of energy may also result in
both men and women.
Androgen seems linked in both males and females with aggressiveness
and strength of sexual drive. When androgen is given to a female in
animal experiments, she becomes more aggressive and displays behaviour
more typical of males—by mounting other animals, for example. Estrogen
increases her sexual responsiveness and intensifies her female
behaviour. Androgen given to a male often increases his sexual
behaviour, but estrogen diminishes his sex drive.
In humans the picture is more complex, since human sexual behaviour
and response is less dependent on hormones once adulthood has been
reached. Removing androgen from an adult male reduces his sexual
capacity; but this occurs gradually, and sometimes the reduction is
small. Giving androgen to a normal human male generally has little or no
effect since he is already producing all he can use. Giving him estrogen
reduces his sex drive. Administration of androgen to an adult human
female often increases her sex drive, enlarges her clitoris, and
promotes the growth of facial hair. Giving estrogen to a normal woman
before menopausal age generally has no effect whatsoever—probably
because human females, unlike other female mammals, do not have
hormonally controlled periods of “heat” (estrus).
Hormones have no connection with the sexual orientation of humans.
Male homosexuals do not have more estrogens than normal males (who have
a little) nor can their preferences be altered by giving them androgen.
Physiological aspects » Nervous system factors
The nervous system consists of the central nervous system and the
peripheral nervous system. The brain and spinal cord constitute the
central system, while the peripheral system is composed of (1) the
cerebrospinal nerves that go to the spinal cord (afferent nerves),
transmitting sensory stimuli and those that come from the cord (efferent
nerves) transmitting impulses to activate muscles, and (2) the autonomic
system, the primary function of which is the regulation and maintenance
of the body processes necessary to life, such as heart rate, breathing,
digestion, and temperature control. Sexual response involves the entire
nervous system. The autonomic system controls the involuntary responses;
the afferent cerebrospinal nerves carry the sensory messages to the
brain; the efferent cerebrospinal nerves carry commands from the brain
to the muscles; and the spinal cord serves as a great transmission
cable. The brain itself is the coordinating and controlling centre,
interpreting what sensations are to be perceived as sexual and issuing
appropriate “orders” to the rest of the nervous system.
The parts of the brain thought to be most concerned with sexual
response are the hypothalamus and the limbic system, but no specialized
“sex centre” has been located in the human brain. Animal experiments
indicate that each individual has coded in its brain two sexual response
patterns, one for mounting (masculine) behaviour and one for mounted
(feminine) behaviour. The mounting pattern can be elicited or
intensified by male sex hormone and the mounted pattern by female sex
hormone. Normally, one response pattern is dominant and the other latent
but capable of being called into action when suitable circumstances
occur. The degree to which such inherent patterning exists in humans is
unknown.
While the brain is normally in charge, there is some reflex (i.e.,
not brain-controlled) sexual response. Stimulation of the genital and
perineal area can cause the “genital reflex”: erection and ejaculation
in the male, vaginal changes and lubrication in the female. This reflex
is mediated by the lower spinal cord, and the brain need not be
involved. Of course, the brain can override and suppress such reflex
activity—as it does when an individual decides that a sexual response is
socially inappropriate.
Physiological aspects » Development and change in the reproductive
system
One’s anatomy and sexuality change with age. The changes are rapid in
intra-uterine life and around puberty but are much slower and gradual in
other phases of the life cycle.
The reproductive organs first develop in the same form for both males
and females: internally there are two undifferentiated gonads and two
pairs of parallel ducts (Wolffian and Müllerian ducts); externally there
is a genital protrusion with a groove (urethral groove) below it, the
groove being flanked by two folds (urethral folds). On either side of
the genital protrusion and groove are two ridgelike swellings
(labioscrotal swellings). Around the fourth week of life the gonads
differentiate into either testes or ovaries. If testes develop, the
hormone they secrete causes the Müllerian duct to degenerate and almost
vanish and causes the Wolffian duct to elaborate into the sperm-carrying
tubes and related organs (the vas deferens, epididymis, and seminal
vesicles, for example). If ovaries develop, the Wolffian duct
deteriorates, and the Müllerian duct elaborates to form the fallopian
tubes, uterus, and part of the vagina. The external genitalia
simultaneously change. The genital protrusion becomes either a penis or
clitoris. In the female the groove below the clitoris stays open to form
the vulva, and the folds on either side of the groove become the inner
lips of the vulva (the labia minora). In the male these folds grow
together, converting the groove into the urethral tube of the penis. The
ridgelike swellings on either side remain apart in the female and
constitute the large labia (labia majora), but in the male they grow
together to form the scrotal sac into which the testes subsequently
descend.
At birth both male and female have all the neurophysiological
equipment necessary for sexual response, although the reproductive
system is not at this stage functional. Sexual interests, sexual
behaviour, and sexual response are seen with increasing frequency in
most children from infancy on. Even newborn males have penile erections,
and babies of both sexes seem to find pleasure in genital stimulation.
What appears to be orgasm has been observed in infant boys and girls,
and, later in childhood, orgasm definitely can occur in masturbation or
sex play.
Puberty may be defined as that short period of time (generally two
years) during which the reproductive system matures and the secondary
sexual characteristics appear. The ovaries and testes begin producing
much larger amounts of hormones, pubic hair appears, female breasts
develop, the menstrual cycle begins in females, spermatozoa and viable
eggs are produced, and males experience voice change and a sudden
acceleration in growth. Puberty generally occurs in females around age
12–13 and in males at about 13–14, but there is much individual
variation. With puberty there is generally an intensification or the
first appearance of sexual interest. Puberty marks the beginning of
adolescence.
Adolescence, from a physical viewpoint, is that period between
puberty and the attainment of one’s maximum height. By the latter point,
which occurs around age 16 in females and 18 in males, the individual
has adult anatomy and physiology. In late adolescence the majority of
individuals are probably at their peak in terms of sexual capacity: the
ability to respond quickly and repeatedly. During this period the sex
drive is at its maximum in males, although it is difficult to say
whether this is also true of females, since female sexuality, in many
societies, is frequently suppressed during adolescence.
Following adolescence there are about three decades of adult life
during which physiological changes are slow and gradual. While muscular
strength increases for a time, the changes may best be described as slow
deterioration. This physical decline is not immediately evident in
sexual behaviour, which often increases in quantity and quality as the
individual develops more social skills and higher socio-economic status
and loses some of the inhibitions and uncertainties that often impede
adolescent sexuality. Indeed, in the case of the United States female,
the deterioration is more than offset by her gradual loss of sexual
inhibition, and the effect of age is not clear until menopausal symptoms
begin. In the male, however, there is no such masking of deterioration,
and the frequency of sexual activity and the intensity of interest and
response slowly, but inexorably, decline.
If one must arbitrarily select an age to mark the beginning of old
age, 50 is appropriate. By then, most females have experienced
menopausal symptoms, and most males have been forced to recognize their
increasing physical limitations. With menopause, the female genitalia
gradually begin to atrophy and the amount of vaginal secretion
diminishes—this is the direct consequence of the cessation of ovarian
function and can be prevented, or the symptoms reversed, by
administering estrogen. If a female has had a good sexual adjustment
prior to menopause and if she does not believe in the fallacy that it
spells the end of sexual life, menopause will have no adverse effect on
her sexual and orgasmic ability. There is reason to believe that if a
woman remains in good health and genital atrophy is prevented, she could
enjoy sexual activity regardless of age. Males in good health are also
capable of continuing sexual activity, although with an ever-decreasing
frequency, throughout old age. The male has more difficulty in achieving
erection, cannot maintain erection as long, and must have longer and
longer “rest periods” between sexual acts. The amount of ejaculate
becomes less, but most old males are still fertile. The Cowper’s gland
secretion (called “precoital mucus”) diminishes or disappears entirely.
According to Kinsey’s data, about one-quarter of males are impotent by
age 65, one-half by age 75, and three-quarters by age 80. One must
remember, however, that some unknown but certainly substantial
proportion of this impotence may be attributed to poor health.
In general, the female withstands the onslaughts of age better than
the male. The reduction in the frequency of marital intercourse or even
its abandonment is more often than not the result of male deterioration.
Psychological aspects » Effects of early conditioning
Physiology sets only very broad limits on human sexuality; most of the
enormous variation found among humans must be attributed to the
psychological factors of learning and conditioning.
The human infant is born simply with the ability to respond sexually
to tactile stimulation. It is only later and gradually that the
individual learns or is conditioned to respond to other stimuli, to
develop a sexual attraction to males or females or both, to interpret
some stimuli as sexual and others as nonsexual, and to control in some
measure his or her sexual response. In other words, the general and
diffuse sexuality of the infant becomes increasingly elaborated,
differentiated, and specific.
The early years of life are, therefore, of paramount importance in
the development of what ultimately becomes adult sexual orientation.
There appears to be a reasonably fixed sequence of development. Before
age five, the child develops a sense of gender identity, thinks of
himself or herself as a boy or girl, and begins to relate to others
differently according to their gender. Through experience the child
learns what behaviour is rewarded and what is punished and what sorts of
behaviour are expected of him or her. Parents, peers, and society in
general teach and condition the child about sex not so much by direct
informational statements and admonitions as by indirect and often
unconscious communication. The child soon learns, for example, that he
can touch any part of his body or someone else’s body except the
anal–genital region. The child rubbing its genitals finds that this
quickly attracts adult attention and admonishment or that adults will
divert him or her from this activity. It becomes clear that there is
something peculiar and taboo about this area of the body. This “genital
taboo” is reinforced by the great concern over the child’s excretory
behaviour: bladder and bowel control is praised; loss of control is met
by disappointment, chiding, and expressions of disgust. Obviously, the
anal–genital area is not only a taboo area but a very important one as
well. It is almost inevitable that the genitalia become associated with
anxiety and shame. It is noteworthy that this attitude finds expression
in the language of Western civilizations, as in “privates” (something to
be kept hidden) and the German word for the genitals, Scham (“shame”).
While all children in Western civilizations experience this
antisexual teaching and conditioning, a few have, in addition, atypical
sexual experiences, such as witnessing or hearing sexual intercourse or
having sexual contact with an older person. The effects of such atypical
experiences depend upon how the child interprets them and upon the
reaction of adults if the experience comes to their attention. Seeing
parental coitus is harmless if the child interprets it as playful
wrestling but harmful if he considers it as hostile, assaultive
behaviour. Similarly, an experience with an adult may seem merely a
curious and pointless game, or it may be a hideous trauma leaving
lifelong psychic scars. In many cases the reaction of parents and
society determines the child’s interpretation of the event. What would
have been a trivial and soon-forgotten act becomes traumatic if the
mother cries, the father rages, and the police interrogate the child.
Some atypical developments occur through association during the
formative years. A child may associate clothing, especially
underclothing, stockings, and shoes with gender and sex and thereby
establish the basis for later fetishism or transvestism. Others, having
been spanked or otherwise punished for self-masturbation or childhood
sex play, form an association between punishment, pain, and sex that
could escalate later into sadism or masochism. It is not known why some
children form such associations whereas others with apparently similar
experience do not.
Around the age of puberty, parents and society, who more often than
not refuse to recognize that children have sexual responses and
capabilities, finally face the inescapable reality and consequently
begin inculcating children with their attitudes and standards regarding
sex. This campaign by adults is almost wholly negative—the child is told
what not to do. While dating may be encouraged, no form of sexual
activity is advocated or held up as model behaviour. The message usually
is “be popular” (i.e., sexually attractive), but abstain from sexual
activity. This antisexualism is particularly intense regarding young
females and is reinforced by reference to pregnancy, venereal disease,
and, most importantly, social disgrace. To this list religious families
add the concept of the sinfulness of premarital sexual expression. With
young males the double standard of morality still prevails. The youth
receives a double message, “don’t do it, but we expect that you will.”
No such loophole in the prohibitions is offered young girls. Meanwhile,
the young male’s peer group is exerting a prosexual influence, and his
social status is enhanced by his sexual exploits or by exaggerated
reports thereof.
As a result of this double standard of sexual morality, the
relationship between young males and females often becomes a ritualized
contest, the male attempting to escalate the sexual activity and the
female resisting his efforts. Instead of mutuality and respect, one
often has a struggle in which the female is viewed as a reluctant sexual
object to be exploited, and the male is viewed as a seducer and
aggressor who must succeed in order to maintain his self-image and his
status with his peers. This sort of pathological relationship causes a
lasting attitude on the part of females: men are not to be trusted; they
are interested only in sex; a girl dare not smile or be friendly lest
males interpret it as a sign of sexual availability, and so forth. Such
an aura of suspicion, hostility, and anxiety is scarcely conducive to
the development of warm, trusting relationships between males and
females. Fortunately, love or infatuation usually overcomes this
negativism with regard to particular males, but the average female still
maintains a defensive and skeptical attitude toward men.
Western society is replete with attitudes that impede the development
of a healthy attitude toward sex. The free abandon so necessary to a
full sexual relationship is, in the eyes of many, an unseemly loss of
self-control, and self-control is something one is urged to maintain
from infancy onward. Panting, sweating, and involuntary vocalization are
incompatible with the image of dignity. Worse yet is any substance once
it has left the body: it immediately becomes unclean. The male and
female genital fluids are generally regarded with disgust—they are not
only excretions but sexual excretions. Here again, societal concern over
excretion is involved, for sexual organs are also urinary passages and
are in close proximity to the “dirtiest” of all places—the anus. Lastly,
many individuals in society regard menstrual fluid with disgust and
abstain from sexual intercourse during the four to six days of flow.
This attitude is formalized in Judaism, in which menstruating females
are specifically labelled as ritually unclean.
In view of all these factors working against a healthy, rational
attitude toward sex and in view of the inevitable disappointments,
exploitations, and rejections that are involved in human relationships,
one might wonder how anyone could reach adulthood without being
seriously maladjusted. The sexual impulse, however, is sufficiently
strong and persistent and repeated sexual activity gradually erodes the
inhibitions and any sense of guilt or shame. Further, all humans have a
deep need to be esteemed, wanted, and loved. Sexual activity with
another is seen as proof that one is attractive, desired, valued, and
possibly loved—a proof very necessary to self-esteem and happiness.
Hence, even among the very inhibited or those with weak sex drive, there
is this powerful motivation to engage in sociosexual activity.
Most persons ultimately achieve at least a tolerable sexual
adjustment. Some unfortunates, nevertheless, remain permanently
handicapped, and very few completely escape the effects of society’s
antisexual conditioning. While certain inhibitions and restraints are
socially and psychologically useful—such as deferring gratification
until circumstances are appropriate and modifying behaviour out of
regard for the feelings of others—most people labour under an additional
burden of useless and deleterious attitudes and restrictions.
Psychological aspects » Sexual problems
Sexual problems may be classified as physiological, psychological, and
social in origin. Any given problem may involve all three categories; a
physiological problem, for example, will produce psychological effects,
and these may result in some social maladjustment.
Physiological problems of a specifically sexual nature are rather
few. Only a small minority of people suffer from diseases of or
deficient development of the genitalia or that part of the
neurophysiology governing sexual response. Many people, however,
experience at some time sexual problems that are by-products of other
pathologies or injuries.
Vaginal infections, for example, retroverted uteri, prostatitis,
adrenal tumours, diabetes, senile changes of the vagina, and
cardiovascular conditions may cause disturbance of the sexual life. In
brief, anything that seriously interferes with normal bodily functioning
generally causes some degree of sexual trouble. Fortunately, the great
majority of physiological sexual problems are solved through medication
or surgery. Generally, only those problems involving damage to the
nervous system defy therapy.
Psychological problems constitute by far the largest category. They
are not only the product of socially induced inhibitions, maladaptive
attitudes, and ignorance but also of sexual myths held by society. An
example of the latter is the idea that good, mature sex must involve
rapid erection, protracted coitus, and simultaneous orgasm. Magazines,
marriage books, and general sexual folklore reinforce these demanding
ideals, which cannot always be met and hence give rise to anxiety,
guilt, and feelings of inadequacy.
Premature ejaculation is a common problem, especially for young
males. Sometimes this is not the consequence of any psychological
problem but the natural result of excessive tension in a male who has
been sexually deprived. In such cases, more frequent coitus solves the
problem. Premature ejaculation is difficult to define. The best
definition is that offered by the American sexologists, William Howell
Masters and Virginia Eshelman Johnson, who say that a male suffers from
premature ejaculation if he cannot delay ejaculation long enough to
induce orgasm in a sexually normal female at least half the time. This
generally means that vaginal penetration with some movement (although
not continuous) must be maintained for more than one minute. The average
American male ejaculates in two or three minutes after vaginal
penetration, a coital duration sufficient to cause orgasm in most
females the majority of the time. Various methods of preventing
premature ejaculation have been tried. One is for the male to excite the
female more during the foreplay so that she reaches orgasm more rapidly
after penetration, but this technique often excites the male as well and
defeats its purpose. Another common method is for the male to think of
nonsexual matters, which may prove effective but reduces his pleasure.
The most effective therapy is that advocated by Masters and Johnson in
which the female brings the male nearly to orgasm and then prevents the
male’s orgasm by briefly compressing the penis between her fingers just
below the head of the penis. The couple come to realize that premature
ejaculation can thus be easily prevented, their anxiety disappears, and
ultimately they can achieve normal coitus without resorting to this
squeeze technique.
Erectile impotence is almost always of psychological origin in males
under 40; in older males physical causes are more often involved. Fear
of being impotent frequently causes impotence, and, in many cases, the
afflicted male is simply caught up in a self-perpetuating problem that
can be solved only by achieving a successful act of coitus. In other
cases, the impotence may be the result of disinterest in the sexual
partner, fatigue, distraction because of nonsexual worries,
intoxication, or other causes—such occasional impotency is common and
requires no therapy.
Some males, however, are chronically impotent and require
psychotherapy or behaviour therapy. Such impotency is thought to be the
result of deep-seated causal factors such as unconscious feelings of
hostility, fear, inadequacy, or guilt. Primary impotence, the inability
to ever have achieved erection sufficient for coitus, is more difficult
to treat than the far more common secondary impotence, which is
impotence in a male who was formerly potent.
Ejaculatory impotence, the inability to ejaculate in coitus, is quite
rare and is almost always of psychogenic origin. It seems associated
with ideas of contamination or with memories of traumatic experiences.
Occasional ejaculatory inability may be expected in older men or in any
male who has exceeded his sexual capacity.
Vaginismus is a powerful spasm of the pelvic musculature constricting
the vagina so that penetration is painful or impossible. It seems wholly
due to antisexual conditioning or psychological trauma and serves as an
unconscious defense against coitus. It is treated by psychotherapy and
by gradually dilating the vagina with increasingly large cylinders.
Dyspareunia, painful coitus, is generally physical rather than
psychological. It is mentioned here only because some inexperienced
females fear they cannot accommodate a penis without being painfully
stretched. This is a needless fear since the vagina is not only highly
elastic but enlarges with sexual arousal, so that even a small female
can, if aroused, easily receive an exceptionally large penis.
Disparity in sexual desire constitutes the most common sexual
problem. It is to some extent inescapable, since differences in the
strength of the sexual impulse and the ability to respond are based on
neurophysiological differences. Much disparity, however, is the result
of inhibition or of one person having been subjected to more sexual
stimuli during the day than the other. The partner who has been seeing
sexually attractive persons periodically during the day and who may have
had an opportunity to relax on the way back from the office or store is
naturally more interested in coitus than the partner who has not been
exposed to sexual stimuli. Another cause of disparity is a difference in
viewpoint. Perhaps one person anticipates coitus as a palliative to
compensate for the trials and tribulations of life, whereas another may
be interested in sex only if the preceding hours have been reasonably
problem-free and happy. Even in cases of neurophysiological differences
in sex drive, the less-motivated partner can be trained to a higher
level of interest, since most humans operate well below their sexual
capacities.
Psychological fatigue, a growing disinterest in sexual behaviour with
a particular partner, sometimes constitutes a problem. Humans are
subject to monotony, and coitus may become routine or even a chore.
Lessening frequencies of marital coitus are more often the result of
this than of age. The solution lies in varying the time, the setting,
and in breaking away from habitual techniques and positions.
Preferences for or antipathies toward particular positions,
techniques, or times frequently cause trouble. One partner may desire
mouth-genital contact or anal stimulation that the other partner finds
disagreeable or perverse. Some wish to have coitus in the light, others
insist upon darkness; some prefer morning, others evening. The
possibilities for disagreement are legion. Even if disagreements
stemming from needless inhibition are overcome, there still remain
disparities in preference, and these should be met by the philosophy
that, by giving pleasure to another, one obtains pleasure. Needless to
say, no partner should insist upon that which is abhorrent to the other
after the latter has made honest attempts to cooperate.
Lack of female orgasm, anorgasmy, is a very frequent problem. One
should differentiate between females who become sexually aroused but do
not reach orgasm and those who do not become aroused. Only the latter
merit the label frigid. It is common for females not to achieve orgasm
during the first weeks or months of coital activity. It is almost as
though many females must learn how to have orgasm, for after having had
one they respond with increasing frequency. In some cases, the female
initially has no idea how to copulate effectively and simply lies
passive, expecting the male to bring her to orgasm. Other females resist
orgasm because the feeling of being swept away and losing control is
frightening. In most cases, however, anorgasmy is simply the result of
years of inhibition—having been trained since childhood to avoid
yielding to the sexual impulse, it is difficult to metamorphose into a
responsive and orgasmic being. In the final analysis, anorgasmy is
psychological in origin; few, if any, females lack the neurophysiology
necessary for orgasm, and anthropology shows that in sexually permissive
societies virtually all females have little difficulty in attaining
orgasm in coitus.
Anorgasmy is treated by removing inhibitions, by teaching coital
techniques, and by inducing orgasm through noncoital methods. The
effective therapist should also impress upon the female that not
reaching orgasm is no sign of failure or inadequacy on her part or her
partner’s and that sexual activity is very pleasurable to both, even if
orgasm does not ensue. Indeed, some females derive great pleasure and
satisfaction without orgasm, a fact that should be made known to anxious
male partners. Too great a concern over orgasm defeats itself. As Kinsey
once pointed out, thinking is the enemy of sexual pleasure, and a female
can scarcely have orgasm if she is worrying about whether she will
attain it or not and if she senses that her partner is mentally turning
the pages of a marriage manual.
Lastly, sexual problems are often perpetuated by the inability of the
partners to communicate freely their feelings to one another. There is a
curious and unfortunate reticence about informing one’s partner as to
what does or does not contribute to one’s pleasure. The partner must
function on a trial-and-error basis, ever on the alert for signs
indicating the efficacy of his or her efforts. This muteness is even
more pronounced when it comes to an individual making suggestions to the
partner. Many persons feel that a suggestion or request would be
interpreted by the partner that he or she had been inept or at least
remiss. As with any other problems, sexual problems can be overcome or
ameliorated only if the individuals concerned communicate effectively.
Social and cultural aspects
The effects of societal value systems on human sexuality are, as has
already been mentioned, profound. The American anthropologist George P.
Murdock summarized the situation, saying:
All societies have faced the problem of reconciling the need of
controlling sex with that of giving it adequate expression, and all have
solved it by some combination of cultural taboos, permissions, and
injunctions. Prohibitory regulations curb the socially more disruptive
forms of sexual competition. Permissive regulations allow at least the
minimum impulse gratification required for individual well-being. Very
commonly, moreover, sex behavior is specifically enjoined by obligatory
regulations where it appears directly to subserve the interests of
society.
The historical heritage is, of course, the foundation upon which the
current situation rests. Western civilizations are basically Greco-Roman
in social organization, philosophy, and law, with a powerful admixture
of Judaism and Christianity. This historical mixture contained
incompatible elements: individual freedom was cherished, yet there was a
great emphasis on law and proper procedure; the pantheism of the Greeks
and Romans clashed with Judeo-Christian monotheism; and the sexual
permissiveness of Hellenistic times was answered by the antisexuality of
early Christianity.
In terms of sex, the most important factor was Christianity. While
other vital aspects of human life, such as government, property rights,
kinship, and economics, were influenced to varying degrees, sexuality
was singled out as falling almost entirely within the domain of
religion. This development arose from an ascetic concept shared by a
number of religions, the concept of the good spiritual world as opposed
to the carnal materialistic world, the struggle between the spirit and
the flesh. Since sex epitomizes the flesh, it was obviously the enemy of
the spirit. Beginning in the 2nd century, Western Christianity was
heavily influenced by this dichotomous philosophy of the Gnostics; sex
in any form outside of marriage was an unmitigated evil and, within
marriage, an unfortunate necessity for purposes of procreation rather
than pleasure. The powerful antisexuality of the early Christians (note
that neither God nor Christ has a wife and that marriage does not exist
in heaven) was in part due to their apocalyptic vision of life: they
anticipated that the end of the world and the Last Judgment would soon
be upon them. There was no time for a gradual weaning away from the
flesh; an immediate and drastic approach was necessary. Indeed, such
excessive antisexuality developed that the church itself was finally
moved to curb some of its more extreme forms.
As it became evident that human existence was going to continue for
some unforeseeable length of time and as occasional intelligent
theologians made themselves felt, antisexuality was ameliorated to some
extent but still remained a foundation stone of Christianity for
centuries. This attitude was particularly unfortunate for women, to whom
most of the sexual guilt was assigned. Women, like the original
temptress Eve, continued to attract men to commit sin. They were
spiritually weak creatures prone to yield to carnal impulses. This is,
of course, a classic example of projecting one’s own guilty desires upon
someone else.
Ultimately, legal control over sexual behaviour passed from the
church to the state, but in most instances the latter simply perpetuated
the attitudes of the former. Priests and clergymen frequently continued
to exert powerful extralegal control: denunciations from the pulpit can
be as effective as statute law in some cases. Although religion has
weakened as a social control mechanism, even today liberalization of sex
laws and relaxation of censorship have often been successfully opposed
by religious leaders. On the whole, however, Christianity has become
progressively more permissive, and sexuality has come to be viewed not
as sin but as a God-given capacity to be used constructively.
Apart from religion, the state sometimes imposes restrictions for
purely secular reasons. The more totalitarian a government, the more
likely it is to restrict or direct sexual behaviour. In some instances,
this comes about simply as the consequence of a powerful individual (or
individuals) being in a position to impose ideas upon the public. In
other instances, one cannot escape the impression that sex, being a
highly personal and individualistic matter, is recognized as
antithetical to the whole idea of strict governmental control and
supervision of the individual. This may help explain the rigid
censorship exerted by most totalitarian regimes over sexual expression.
It is as though such a government, being obsessed with power, cannot
tolerate the power the sexual impulse exerts on the population.
Social and cultural aspects » Social control of sexual behaviour
Societies differ remarkably in what they consider socially desirable and
undesirable in terms of sexual behaviour and consequently differ in what
they attempt to prevent or promote. There appear, however, to be four
basic sexual controls in the majority of human societies. First, to
control endless competition, some form of marriage is necessary. This
not only removes both partners from the competitive arena of courtship
and assures each of a sexual partner, but it allows them to devote more
time and energy to other necessary and useful tasks of life. Despite the
beliefs of earlier writers, marriage is not necessary for the care of
the young; this can be accomplished in other ways.
Second, control of forced sexual relationships is necessary to
prevent anger, feuding, and other disruptive retribution.
Third, all societies exert control over whom one is eligible to marry
or have as a sexual partner. Endogamy, holding the choice within one’s
group, increases group solidarity but tends to isolate the group and
limit its political strength. Exogamy, forcing the individual to marry
outside the group, dilutes group loyalty but increases group size and
power through new external liaisons. Some combination of endogamy and
exogamy is found in most societies. All have incest prohibitions. These
are not based on genetic knowledge. Indeed, many incest taboos involve
persons not genetically related (father–stepdaughter, for example). The
prime reason for incest prohibition seems to be the necessity for
preventing society from becoming snarled in its own web: every person
has a complex set of duties, rights, obligations, and statuses with
regard to other people, and these would become intolerably complicated
or even contradictory if incest were freely permitted.
Fourth, there is control through the establishment of some
safety-valve system: the formulation of exceptions to the prevailing
sexual restrictions. There is the recognition that humans cannot
perpetually conform to the social code and that well-defined exceptions
must be made. There are three sorts of exceptions to sexual
restrictions: (1) Divorce: while all societies encourage marriage, all
realize that it is in the interest of society and the individual to
terminate marriage under certain conditions. (2) Exceptions based on
kinship: many societies permit or encourage sexual activity with certain
kin, even after marriage. Most often these kin are a brother’s wife or a
wife’s sister. In addition, sexual “joking relationships” are often
expected between brothers-in-law, sisters-in-law, and cousins. While
coitus is not involved, there is much explicit sexual banter, teasing,
and humorous insult. (3) Exceptions based on special occasions, ranging
from sexual activity as a part of religious rites to purely secular
ceremonies and celebrations wherein the customary sexual restrictions
are temporarily lifted.
Turning to particular forms of sexual behaviour, one learns from
anthropology and history that extreme diversity in social attitude is
common. Most societies are unconcerned over self-masturbation since it
does not entail procreation or the establishment of social bonds, but a
few regard it with disapprobation. Sexual dreams cause concern only if
they are thought to be the result of the nocturnal visitation of some
spirit. Such dreams were once attributed to spirits or demons known as
incubi and succubi, who sought out sleeping humans for sexual
intercourse.
Petting among most preliterate societies is done only as a prelude to
coitus—as foreplay—rather than as an end in itself. In some parts of
sub-Saharan Africa, however, petting is used as a premarital substitute
for coitus in order to preserve virginity and avoid pregnancy. There is
great variation in petting and foreplay techniques. Kissing is by no
means universal, as some groups view the mouth as a biting and chewing
orifice ill-suited for expressing affection. While some societies
emphasize the erotic role of the female breast, others—such as the
Chinese—pay little attention to it. Still others regard oral stimulation
of the breast unseemly, being too akin to infantile suckling. Although
manual stimulation of the genitalia is nearly universal, a few peoples
abstain because of revulsion toward genital secretions. Not much
information exists on mouth–genital contact, and one can say only that
it is common among some peoples and rare among others.
A considerable number of societies manifest scratching and biting in
conjunction with sexual activity, and most of this is done by the
female. Sadomasochism in any other form, however, is conspicuous by its
absence in preliterate societies.
An enumeration of the societies that permit or forbid premarital
coitus is complicated not only by the double standard but also by the
fact that such prohibition or permission is often qualified. As a rough
estimate, however, 40 to 50 percent of preliterate or ancient societies
allowed premarital coitus under certain conditions to both males and
females. If one were to count as permissive those groups that
theoretically disapprove but actually condone such coitus, the
percentage would rise to perhaps 70.
In marital coitus, when sexual access is not only permitted but
encouraged, one would expect considerable uniformity in frequency of
coitus. This expectation is not fulfilled: social conditioning
profoundly affects even marital coitus. On one Irish island reported
upon by a researcher, for example, marital coitus is best measured in
terms of per year, and among the Cayapas of Ecuador, a frequency of
twice a week is something to boast of. The coital frequencies of other
groups, on the other hand, are nearer to human potential. In one
Polynesian group, the usual frequency of marital coitus among
individuals in their late 20s was 10 to 12 per week, and in their late
40s the frequency had fallen to three to four. The African Bala,
according to one researcher, had coitus on the average of once or twice
per day from young adulthood into the sixth decade of life.
Marital coitus is not unrestricted. Coitus during menstruation or
after a certain stage of pregnancy is generally taboo. After childbirth
a lengthy period of time must often elapse before coitus can resume, and
some peoples abstain for magical reasons before or during warfare,
hunting expeditions, and certain other important events or ceremonies.
In modern Western society one finds menstrual, pregnancy, and postpartum
taboos perpetuated under an aesthetic or medical guise, and coaches
still attempt to force celibacy upon athletes prior to competition.
Extramarital coitus provides a striking example of the double
standard: it is expected, or tolerated, in males and generally
prohibited for females. Very few societies allow wives sexual freedom.
Extramarital coitus with the husband’s consent, however, is another
matter. Somewhere between two-fifths and three-fifths of preliterate
societies permit wife lending or allow the wife to have coitus with
certain relatives (generally brothers-in-law) or permit her freedom on
special ceremonial occasions. The main concern of preliterate societies
is not one of morality, but of more practical considerations: does the
act weaken kinship ties and loyalty? Will it damage the husband’s social
prestige? Will it cause pregnancy and complicate inheritance or cause
the wife to neglect her duties and obligations? Most foreign of all to
Western thinking is that of those peoples whose marriage ceremony
involves the bride having coitus with someone other than the groom, yet
it is to be recalled that this practice existed to a limited extent in
medieval Europe as jus primae noctis, the right of the lord to the bride
of one of his subjects.
Sexual deviations and sex offenses are, of course, social definitions
rather than natural phenomena. What is normative behaviour in one
society may be a deviation or crime in another. One can go through the
literature and discover that virtually any sexual act, even child–adult
relations or necrophilia, has somewhere at some time been acceptable
behaviour. Homosexuality is permitted in perhaps two-thirds of human
societies. In some groups it is normative behaviour, whereas in others
it is not only absent but beyond imagination. Generally, it is not an
activity involving most of the population but exists as an alternative
way of life for certain individuals. These special individuals are
sometimes transvestites—that is, they dress and behave like the opposite
sex. Sometimes they are regarded as curiosities or ridiculed, but more
often they are accorded respect and magical powers are attributed to
them. It is noteworthy, however, that aside from these transvestites,
exclusive homosexuality is quite rare in preliterate societies.
In conclusion, the cardinal lesson of anthropology is that no type of
sexual behaviour or attitude has a universal, inherent social or
psychological value for good or evil—the whole meaning and value of any
expression of sexuality is determined by the social context within which
it occurs.
Social and cultural aspects » Class distinctions
Differences in sexual behaviour between classes within technologically
developed societies are very marked. Civilizations are made up of class
hierarchies, and the different subgroups normally develop their own
value systems. Most of the knowledge of the sexual behaviour and
attitudes of ancient cultures is that of the upper or ruling class; the
behaviour and feelings of the slaves and peasants were seldom recorded.
There is the impression—probably a correct one—that throughout history
the lower socio-economic class was the most permissive. Sex has always
been one of the few pleasures of the poor and oppressed. On the other
hand, one must not overlook the fact that a fanatical Puritanism can
also flourish at the bottom of the social scale, and, hence, one can
never assume that low status and sexual permissiveness are inevitably
linked.
The Kinsey studies showed considerable social class differences in
sexuality in the United States, chiefly in that the lower class was more
tolerant of nonmarital coitus. More recent studies indicate that these
class differences have rapidly broken down. Increased literacy and the
influence of mass media have made the population more homogeneous in
sexual attitudes. One can find, moreover, reversals of the previous
pattern: a lower class person on the way up the social ladder may be
quite conservative in his sexual views, feeling that this facilitates
upward mobility, whereas the person secure in his or her high social
status often feels that he or she can afford to flout convention.
Actually, the most sexually liberal are those at the very bottom, who
have nothing to lose, and those at the very top, who are beyond social
retribution.
The great middle class remains the bastion of traditionalism, and it
is here that the double standard of morality is most prominent. The
intellectualized liberalism of the upper level seeps down only slowly,
and the pragmatic egalitarianism of the lower level does not penetrate
far upward.
Social and cultural aspects » Economic influences
Systems of production and distribution have had a growing influence on
sexual behaviour since the Industrial Revolution. The old family pattern
was inexorably disrupted by the rise of the industrial state. Children
were no longer kept at home to share in the work and be economic assets
but left for school or for nonfamily employment, and the degree of
parental control diminished. The “working wife” employed outside the
home, once found only among the impoverished, has gradually become the
typical wife. With her enhanced economic power and her greater
association with people outside the home, she became less a chattel. As
the population left the family farm and tight-knit small communities for
anonymous big-city existence, not only parental but societal controls
over behaviour were weakened. Society became increasingly nomadic with
improved transportation and job opportunities. Cultural and ethnic
subgroups that formerly would have had little contact were thrown
together in the same schools, factories, offices, and neighbourhoods.
All of this vast uprooting and rearranging naturally altered sexual
attitudes and behaviour. The individual no longer had the option of
choosing to conform or depart from a rather clear-cut sexual moral code
but instead was faced with a multiplicity of choices of varying degrees
of social acceptability. The major sexual change—one still in
progress—was the emancipation of women, which brought with it an
increasing acceptance of premarital sexual activity, the concept of
woman as a human being with her own sexual needs and rights, and the
possibility of terminating an unhappy marriage without incurring serious
social censure. A second major change was the erosion of simplistic
value systems: with increased mobility and social mixing, the individual
learned that the values and attitudes he or she had unquestioningly
accepted were not necessarily shared by neighbours and co-workers. As a
result, life became not only more complex but more permissive. This
growing tolerance has in recent decades extended, to a limited extent,
to homosexuality. There is no evidence that homosexuality or other
deviant behaviour has measurably increased as a result of society’s
urbanization and technological progress, but one gains the impression of
an increase simply because these topics, previously unmentionable, are
now openly discussed in the mass media.
While the old monolithic value systems broke down and individuals
were accorded a wider variety of choices in terms of sexual life, there
developed a paradoxical trend toward homogeneity as a result of
mobility, the mass media, and increasing economic parity. Geographical
and social-class differences in sexual attitudes and behaviour have
steadily lessened. The plumber’s family and the banker’s family are now
indistinguishable in terms of dress; both have automobiles; their
offspring attend the same schools; and they share the same newspapers,
magazines, and television programs. One might summarize by saying that
society is homogeneous in that everyone now has available a wide
diversity of sexual attitudes and activities.
Social and cultural aspects » Legal regulation
Sex laws, the origins of which, as mentioned above, are found within the
church, are unique in one important respect. Whereas all other laws are
basically concerned with the protection of person or property, the
majority of sex laws are concerned solely with maintaining morality. The
issue of morality is minimal in other laws: one can legitimately evict
an impoverished old couple from their mortgaged home or sentence a
hungry man for stealing food. Only in the realm of sex is there a
consistent body of law upholding morality.
The earliest sex laws of which there is knowledge are from the Near
East and date back to the 2nd millennium bc. They are remarkable in
three respects: there are great omissions—certain acts are not mentioned
whereas others receive detailed attention; some laws seem almost
contradictory; and penalties are often extraordinarily severe. One
obtains the distinct impression that these laws were case law—that is,
laws formulated upon specific cases as they arose rather than being the
result of lengthy judicial deliberation done in advance. These laws
influenced Judaic and, hence, Christian thinking, and some were
immortalized in the Bible, chiefly in Leviticus.
As mentioned earlier, when secular law replaced religious law, there
was rather little change in content. In Europe the Napoleonic Code
represented a break with tradition and introduced some measure of sexual
tolerance, but in England and the United States there was no such rift
with the past. In the latter country, as each new state joined the
union, its sex laws simply duplicated, to a great extent, those of
pre-existing states; legislators were disinclined to debate sexual
issues or to risk losing votes by discarding or weakening sex laws.
Sex laws may be grouped in three categories: (1) Those concerned with
protection of person. These are based on the element of consent. These
otherwise logical laws become problematic when society deems that
minors, mental retardates, and the insane are incapable of giving
consent—hence, coitus with them is rape. (2) Those concerned with
preventing offense to public sensibilities. Statutes preclude public
sexual activity, exhibitionism, and offensive solicitation. (3) Those
concerned with maintaining sexual morality. These constitute the
majority of sex laws, covering such items as premarital coitus,
extramarital coitus, incest, homosexuality, prostitution, peeping,
nudity, animal contact, transvestism, censorship, and even specific
sexual techniques—chiefly oral or anal. Laws relating to sexual conduct
and morality are generally far more extensive in the United States than
in western Europe and most other areas of the world.
In recent years, in Europe and the United States, a number of highly
respected legal, medical, and religious organizations have deliberated
on the issue of the legal control of human sexuality. They have been
unanimous in the conclusion that, while laws protecting person and
public sensibilities should be retained, the purely moral laws should be
dropped. What consenting adults do in private, it is argued, should not
be subject to legal control.
In the final analysis, sexuality, like any other vital aspect of
human life, must be dealt with on an individual or societal level with a
combination of rationality, sensitivity, and tolerance if society is to
avoid personal and social problems arising from ignorance and
misconception.
Paul Henry Gebhard
Ed.
Sexually transmitted diseases
Infections transmitted primarily by sexual contact are referred to as
sexually transmitted diseases (STDs). Caused by a variety of microbial
agents that thrive in warm, moist environments such as the mucous
membranes of the vagina, urethra, anus, and mouth, STDs are diagnosed
most frequently in individuals who engage in sexual activity with many
partners.
In the past, a disease transmitted sexually was more commonly called
a venereal disease, or VD, and was applied to only a few infections such
as gonorrhea and syphilis. Actually more than 20 STDs have been
identified, and infections caused by Chlamydia trachomatis, herpes
simplex virus, and human papillomavirus, although underreported, are
believed to be more prevalent than gonorrhea in the United States.
Although the incidence of some STDs has reached epidemic proportions, it
was not until the advent of the acquired immunodeficiency syndrome
(AIDS) that the need to restrain the transmission of these diseases
gained serious attention.
AIDS is a deadly disease for which there is no known cure. This fact
has made prevention of the spread of HIV (see below) infection a top
priority of the health-care community, with education concerning safer
sexual practices at the fore. The “safe sex” strategy, which includes
encouraging the use of condoms or the practice of abstinence, has been
introduced to prevent the spread not only of AIDS but of all STDs.
Stemming the transmission of disease rather than relying on treatment,
which in the case of AIDS does not even exist, is the basic tenet of the
safe-sex doctrine.
Preventing the transmission of STDs is also important because many of
these diseases do not produce initial symptoms of any significance.
Thus, they often go untreated, increasing their spread and the incidence
of serious complications; untreated chlamydial infections in women are
the primary preventable cause of female sterility.
Sexually transmitted diseases » Common sexually transmitted organisms
Bacteria, parasites, and viruses are the most common microbial agents
involved in the sexual transmission of disease. Bacterial agents include
Neisseria gonorrhoeae, which causes gonorrhea and predominantly involves
the ureter in men and the cervix in women, and Treponema pallidum, which
is responsible for syphilis. The parasite Chlamydia trachomatis causes a
variety of disorders—in women, urethritis, cervicitis, and salpingitis
(inflammation of the ureter, cervix, and fallopian tubes, respectively)
and, in men, nongonococcal urethritis. Sexually transmitted viral agents
include the human papillomavirus, which causes genital warts. Infection
by this virus, of which there are more than 20 types, has been linked to
cervical carcinoma. Herpes simplex virus II is the causative agent of
genital herpes, a condition in which ulcerative blisters form on the
mucous membranes of the genitalia.
Sexually transmitted diseases » Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome
AIDS is caused by the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), a pernicious
infectious agent that attacks the immune system, leading to its
progressive destruction. The virus is found in highest concentrations in
the blood, semen, and vaginal and cervical fluids of the human body and
can be harboured asymptomatically for 10 years or more. Although the
primary route of transmission is sexual, HIV also is spread by the use
of infected needles among intravenous drug users, by the exchange of
infected blood products, and from an infected mother to her fetus during
pregnancy.
The progression of the syndrome does not follow a defined path;
instead nonspecific symptoms reflect the myriad effects of a failing
immune system. These symptoms are referred to as AIDS-related complex
(ARC) and include fever, rashes, weight loss, and wasting. Opportunistic
infections such as Pneumocystis carinii pneumonia, neoplasms such as
Kaposi’s sarcoma, and central nervous system dysfunction are also common
complications. The patient eventually dies, unable to mount an
immunologic defense against the constant onslaught of infections.
A blood test can be used to detect HIV infection before the symptoms
begin to manifest themselves, and all individuals who may be at even the
slightest risk of infection are encouraged to be tested in order to
prevent the unknowing spread of HIV to others. Identification of
infection before the onset of the disease, however, does not promise a
better prognosis; the vast majority of those infected with HIV will
ultimately succumb to AIDS. Although development of a vaccine is being
pursued, it is not yet available and education remains the best way to
prevent transmission of this lethal disease.
Ed.
Additional Reading
General information may be found in Benjamin B. Wolman and John Money
(eds.), Handbook of Human Sexuality (1980, reissued 1993); James Leslie
McCary and Stephen P. McCary, McCary’s Human Sexuality, 4th ed. (1982);
Zira DeFries, Richard C. Friedman, and Ruth Corn (eds.), Sexuality: New
Perspectives (1985), a compilation of recent interdisciplinary research;
Herant A. Katchadourian, Fundamentals of Human Sexuality, 5th ed.
(1989); June M. Reinisch and Ruth Beasley, The Kinsey Institute New
Report on Sex: What You Must Know to Be Sexually Literate (1990), a
summary of current thinking in sex research; William H. Masters,
Virginia E. Johnson, and Robert C. Kolodny, Human Sexuality, 4th ed.
(1992); and Janet Shibley Hyde, Understanding Human Sexuality, 5th ed.
(1994). A popular treatment of various aspects of sex is found in Stefan
Bechtel et al., The Practical Encyclopedia of Sex and Health (also
published as The Sex Encyclopedia, 1993). Reference works on human
sexuality include Robert T. Francoeur, Timothy Perper, and Norman A.
Scherzer (eds.), A Descriptive Dictionary and Atlas of Sexology (1991);
Michael A. Carrera, The Language of Sex: An A to Z Guide (1992); and two
annotated bibliographies, Mervyn L. Mason, Human Sexuality: A
Bibliography and Critical Evaluation of Recent Texts (1983); and Suzanne
G. Frayser and Thomas J. Whitby, Studies in Human Sexuality: A Selected
Guide (1987).
The history of the study of human sexuality is chronicled in Paul
Robinson, The Modernization of Sex: Havelock Ellis, Alfred Kinsey,
William Masters, and Virginia Johnson (1976); Vern L. Bullough, Sexual
Variance in Society and History (1976); Jeffrey Weeks, Sexuality and Its
Discontents: Meanings, Myths & Modern Sexualities (1985), and Sex,
Politics, and Society: The Regulation of Sexuality Since 1800, 2nd ed.
(1989), the latter focusing on Great Britain; Pat Caplan (ed.), The
Cultural Construction of Sexuality (1987); John D’Emilio and Estelle B.
Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (1988);
Sander L. Gilman, Sexuality: An Illustrated History: Representing the
Sexual in Medicine and Culture from the Middle Ages to the Age of AIDS
(1989); and Janice M. Irvine, Disorders of Desire: Sex and Gender in
Modern American Sexology (1990).
Significant studies of specifically female or male sexuality in the
United States are Alfred C. Kinsey, Wardell B. Pomeroy, and Clyde E.
Martin, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948); Alfred C. Kinsey et
al., Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953, reissued 1973); and
Shere Hite, The Hite Report: A Nationwide Study on Female Sexuality, new
rev. ed. (1981), and The Hite Report on Male Sexuality (1981), although
criticism has been leveled at the studies’ methodology.
Anthropological overviews of sex are given in Donald S. Marshall and
Robert C. Suggs (eds.), Human Sexual Behavior: Variations in the
Ethnographic Spectrum (1971); George P. Murdock, Social Structure (1949,
reissued 1965); and Clellan S. Ford and Frank A. Beach, Patterns of
Sexual Behavior (1951, reprinted 1980), which compares sexual behaviour
patterns of nearly 200 human cultural groups worldwide and of a large
number of related mammals.
Sexual physiology is comprehensively treated in William H. Masters
and Virginia E. Johnson, Human Sexual Response (1966, reissued 1986);
Loretta P. Higgins and Joellen W. Hawkins, Human Sexuality Across the
Life Span (1984), a text for nursing practice; and Simon LeVay, The
Sexual Brain (1993), which includes a discussion of the author’s report
of the size variation of a part of the hypothalamus with respect to
sexual orientation among men. William H. Masters and Virginia E.
Johnson, Human Sexual Inadequacy (1970, reissued 1980), reports
behaviour therapy treatments of sexual dysfunction. Richard Green and
John Money (eds.), Transsexualism and Sex Reassignment (1969), discusses
sex change. John Money, Gay, Straight, and In-Between: The Sexology of
Erotic Orientation (1988), analyzes determining physiological, cultural,
and personal history factors.
The psychological differences between the sexes and the relationship
of gender are analyzed by Robert J. Stoller, Sex and Gender, 2 vol.
(1968–75); Eleanor Emmons Maccoby and Carol Nagy Jacklin, The Psychology
of Sex Differences (1974); G. Mitchell, Human Sex Differences (1981), a
primatologist’s investigation; John Archer and Barbara Lloyd, Sex and
Gender (1982), also published in an enlarged, revised North American
edition with the same title (1985); and June M. Reinisch, Leonard A.
Rosenblum, and Stephanie A. Sanders (eds.), Masculinity/Femininity:
Basic Perspectives (1987). Biological data is examined by Anne
Fausto-Sterling, Myths of Gender: Biological Theories About Women and
Men, 2nd ed. (1992).
Social and cultural aspects of human sexuality are investigated by
Louis M. Epstein, Sex Laws and Customs in Judaism (1948, reissued 1968),
a detailed history of Judeo-Christian attitudes toward sex; Derrick S.
Bailey, Sexual Relation in Christian Thought (also published as The
Man-Woman Relationship in Christian Thought, 1959); Ira L. Reiss, The
Social Context of Premarital Sexual Permissiveness (1967), and Journey
into Sexuality (1986), a study of the relationship between
cross-cultural differences in nonsexual and sexual patterns; Robert
Coles and Geoffrey Stokes, Sex and the American Teenager (1985); and
Arthur S. Leonard, Sexuality and the Law: An Encyclopedia of Major Legal
Cases (1993), restricted, however, to United States law.
Diseases transmitted through sexual contact are described in Allan M.
Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the
United States Since 1880 (1985); Charles E. Rinear, The Sexually
Transmitted Diseases (1986); and L.C. Parish and Friedrich Gschnait
(eds.), Sexually Transmitted Diseases: A Guide for Clinicians (1989).