see also:
Art Deco
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7 American Art Deco
and the Second World War
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Germany in the
1930s
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While the 1930s
in the United States was a time during which a
critical mass
of modern artists was coming together to forge new styles, America's
gains came largely at the expense of continental
Europe—particularly Germany, which had been the leading site
for International Constructivism in the
1920s. The situation in Germany
had changed swiftly and dramatically in the spring of
1933, when the Nazis successfully
consolidated their power.
The Nazi government immediately
implemented two of its core governing strategies: the use of
violence and intimidation,
complemented by aggressive
control of the mass media and related culture.
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The Nazis and
the Mass Media
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Scholars
consider the Nazi regime to be one of the most media-aware
governments of the twentieth century. Before 1933, Nazis used the
mass media in order to sway popular opinion. The photo
illustrated
here (fig. 7.34) shows some people in Berlin circulating
around a 1932 election poster.
Under the direction of Josef Goebbels (1897-1945), Reichsministcr
fur Volksaufklarung und
Propaganda {Minister of National Enlightenment and
Propaganda), there was an
officially sanctioned effort to control
most aspects of German culture. Illustration and graphic design, for
example, were overseen by "Department V," a pan of the 6th division
of Goebbel's ministry, which oversaw the wide range of
visual arts. Other divisions set
standards for the press, broadcasting,
theater, music, and literature. Goebbels and the rest of the
Nazi leadership, minds twisted by
delusions of national and racial superiority, desperately desired to
define German culture in terms that fitted their ideological
beliefs. Anything that shied away from their reactionary
conservative sensibility was suppressed. Typographers and graphic
designers were expected to reject modern styles, and artists of all types were compelled to use regressive
representational styles
in works that idealized the leadership of
the Nazi party.
Typical of Nazi
arts policy was the closure of the Berlin
Bauhaus in
1933. As previously discussed, the
Dessau Bauhaus had been shut down in
1932, when the Nazis had taken
over the regional government, but a group of professors and
students had reopened the school in modest quarters located on the
outskirts of Berlin. A photomontage by student Iwao
Yamawaki (1898-1987), The
Assault on the Bauhaus, shows Nazi
officials marching back and
forth across the buildings, which have been turned on their
sides at an oblique angle so that they form
ramps (fig.
7.36). In a prescient foreshadowing of the terrors yet to come.
Yamawaki has strewn his composition with screaming figures
and bodies lying on the ground.
On April 11,
1933, police and paramilitaries raided the Berlin
Bauhaus, and
closed it after claiming to have found "illegal propaganda
material of the German Communist Party." An article from
the next day in
a Berlin newspaper reinforced this assertion that the Bauhaus was a
hotbed of Communist revolutionaries, claiming that Gropius had
removed himself to Russia. As the closing indicated, the attempts by
Mies van der Rohe and others to depoliticize the Constructivist
style practiced there had not been
successful.
Clearly, while no one in 1933 on the faculty and staff at the
Bauhaus was actively working against the Nazi government
on behalf of
Communism, few people at the institution supported
the new regime. In the context of the
Nazi belief that all culture
a inherently
political, the Bauhaus style was allied both with Communism
and with a commitment to universalism that contradicted the
government's desire to promulgate strong
nationalist ideology. Amid the
obsession with so-called "Aryan"
German culture that
characterized the regime's propaganda,
the Bauhaus was
considered not sufficiently German enough.
The cultural
program overseen by Goebbels was not strictly
one of
suppression, as many graphic designers were employed by the
government in order to promote its policies as well as the general
reputation of the Nazis. Even before Hitler gained power in 1933,
Hans Schweitzer (1901-1980) had allied himself with the
Nazis, becoming a party member
in 1926. A close friend of
Goebbels, Schweitzer took on the
pseudonym "Mjolnir," a reference to the hammer of Thor, a
Norse god of thunder. The poster
Our Last Hope: Hitler
dates from Hitler's unsuccessful
presidential campaign of
the spring of 1932 (fig. 735). Schweitzer had been trained in
an academic style, and he used the type of conventional
plain drawing techniques that
were favored by the Nazi leadership. In this image the letters arc
made up of negative space, and the bold all-capitalized "Hitler"
appears as a banner being carried
by the figures in a march.
Schweitzer later achieved his greatest success with posters that
showed idealized paramilitary "stormtroopers," and in 1937
Goebbels appointed him the director of the Hilfwerk fur Deutsche
Bildende Kunst, an
administrative body.
The graphic designer known by the single name Leonid
produced a poster in 1936 that stated All
of Germany Listens to the
Leader with the Peoples
Receiver (fig. 7.37).
Scholars often cite this
image as evidence of the centralized control of the
press and mass
media that was
such a fundamental pan of Nazi ideology, and which contrasted with
the commercial media dominant in the rest
of Europe. This image
creates an odd juxtaposition in that it combines a truly modern
element, the photomontage, with
fraktur lettering. (Nazi typography is discussed below.) According
to modern design principles, nothing clashes more than a mix
of ornamental script with a photo. Leonid attempts to have it both
ways, referencing the modern
technology of the radio by putting it into the context of
traditional German nationalism.
The
graphic work of Richard Klein (1890-1967) is exemplary
of one specific txend in Nazi design: the embiace of classical
idealism. Hitler himself greatly favored this ancient imperial
style,
and it was employed prominently in government buildings
designed by Albert Speer (1905-1981).
Klein's poster for the "Great German Art Exhibition" held in 1937
and 1938 displays centered lettering that is intended to remind the
viewer of the carved
inscriptions on monuments of the ancient Roman Empire
(fig. 738). The emblem
above the text is made up of swastika,
eagle, torch, and helmeted
allegory—a motley assortment of
items, most with an imperial
pedigree. Klein's classical design has
been influenced by Art Deco
style, particularly in the smooth
geometric shapes of the figure's head.
Most Nazi
propaganda posters used traditional illustration
combined with
personal appeals to the viewer. The image shown
here reads,
"Hitler constructs, help him by buying German
goods." It
features a typical "Aryan" idealized man working with his hands
(fig. 7.39). The image suggests a return to German tradition
in that there is no sign of modern life in the poster, a theme
reinforced by the fraktur lettering and the crude construction
techniques shown in the image.
This poster illustrates the Nazi
commitment to Heimatschutz,
the "preservation of regional tradition," through which the
party set itself up as the heroic protector
of German identity in the face of corrupt, urban-based, universal
concepts such as those promoted at the Bauhaus.
While most of
the designers employed by the Nazis had never been involved in
modern design movements, one, Ludwig Hohlwein, had established
himself in the early 1900s as an innovative
artist. A pioneer of the Sacbplakat style, one of the first
modern
design movements, Hohlwein continued to
employ it
on behalf of his new masters. The poster shown here
publicizes a
girls' sports festival held in 1934 (fig. 7.40). Hohlwein
has posed
the figure of a young athlete so that her limbs replicate
the shape of
the swastika on the flag behind her, while the color of her shorts
reinforces the connection. The flat areas of color in
her torso as
well as the lack of a horizon line and cropping all
hark back to the
roots of Sachpiakat in Japanese woodblock prints.
Some
government-sponsored publications, such as
Deutschland
Ausstellung,
the catalog for
an exhibition celebrating
German culture
under the Nazi regime, were produced in an up-to-date
Constructivist style. Herbert Bayer, who worked in Berlin
in private
practice during the 1930s, was the designer of the catalog shown
here, which surveyed radio broadcasting in Berlin, the new capital
city under the Nazis (fig. 7.41). The roman type at the top
forms a solid block of text, while the illustration is suggestive
of the
elegant Art Deco work of Cassandre. This publication was
clearly aimed
at a sophisticated urban audience, not inspired by
Heimatschutz,
one
to whom conventional illustration would have looked retrograde. The
previous four examples—one classical, one conventional illustration,
one Sachpiakat, and one modern—
are indicative
of the precarious balancing act of the Nazi regime
as it
selectively, and pragmatically, mixed styles and ideologies to
reach
different constituencies.
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7.34 Anonymous, Poster and Crowd, Germany, 1932
Photograph.
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7.35 Hans Schweitzer, Unsere letzte
Hoffnung: Hitler
(Our Last Hope: Hitler), 1932. Poster
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7.36 Iwao Yamawaki,
Der Schlag
gegen das
Bauhaus
(The Assault on the
Bauhaus),
1932. Photomontage.
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7.37 Leonid, Ganz Deutschland
hort den Fuhrer mit
dem Volksempfanger
(All of Germany Listens
lo The Fuhrer
with the People's
Receiver),
1936. Poster.
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7.38 Richard Klein,
Grosse Deutsche Kunstaussteliung
(Great German
Art Exhibition),
1938. Poster
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7.39 Anonymous, Hitler Baut auf
(Hitler Is Building), 1940.
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7.40 Ludwig Hohlwein, The Reich Sports
Day of the
Association of German Girls,1934.
Poster.
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7.41 Herbert Bayer,
Deutschland Ausstellung
(German Exhibition),
1936.
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"Degenerate
Art"
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As early as
1933, the Nazis had appropriated the scientific term
"degenerate,"
meaning "to have declined to a subnormal state," as
part of its attack on modern art. The
most notorious use of the term
"degenerate" occurred in 1937, when the government organized an
enormous show of so-called Entartete Kunst ("degenerate
art"). This exhibition
was conceived of as a broad indictment of all forms of modern an and
design, including just about everything that has been covered in
the previous few chapters: Expressionism, Cubism, Futurism, Dada,
Purism, De Stijl, Art Deco, and Constructivism. Organized by Adolf
Ziegler and Schweitzer,
the "Entartete Kunst" exhibition opened in July 1937
in Munich; it consisted of a
hastily assembled survey of modern art from German public
collections (fig. 7.42). The art works were
installed in a cavernous space
broken up by temporary partitions.
The works were deliberately
displayed in a helter-skelter fashion, mixing disparate
trends in the an of the twentieth century. The
walls of the show were festooned with slogans decrying the supposed
"degenerate" character of the an and anists who made it.
For example, a number of works by
Kandinsky were juxtaposed
with the words "Crazy at any price," while additional text noted
that the anist was a "teacher at
the Communist Bauhaus at Dessau until 1933."
The Entartete Kunst catalog also displays an attempt by the
Nazis to
distort the tradition of modern art. The cover shows a full-bleed
photo of an Expressionist sculpture, The New Man
(1912), by Otto Frcundlich (1878-1943),
in extreme close-up (fig.
7.43). One of the main
themes of the exhibition was that Expressionist distortions of form
were the result of diseased, "unGerman," and, of course,
"Jewish" art practices. The typography
on the cover is an artful mix of letters. The top spells out
the word "Entartete" with neutral
type, a bold, condensed roman.
Below the sculpture, the word "'Kunst'"
appears to be scribbled on to a piece of paper; the word means "art"
and was placed in quotation marks in order to question
whether the works are indeed
art. The letters feature the spiky, angular forms seen in
Expressionist graphics. Farther down, the word
"Ausstellungsfuhrer," meaning
"exhibition guide," is composed in a new type of fraktur. Finally, the price is displayed
in plain sans serif letters at
the bottom. All these different type styles are used in order to
reinforce the different message carried
by each word or
phrase. As opposed to a unified design, the artists
chose to treat
each bit of text as a discrete unit; of course, the
overall chaotic
effect was also intended to replicate the supposed
irrational
disorder of modern art.
Most of the
posters produced to publicize the 1937 show and
its
smaller-scale predecessors mined the Expressionist vein featured
on the cover of the guide. However, one poster from 1936
was created in a Constructivist
style in order to mock the practices of modern design pursued at the
Bauhaus (fig. 7.44). The text
refers to the exhibition as
featuring work that is both "Bolshevik"
and "Jewish," two terms often
applied to progressive modern
artists regardless of their
political sympathies or religious identity.
Naturally, the poster makes use
of geometric abstraction and the familiar red and black of
Constructivism without any attention to
compositional balance or aesthetic achievement. Compare this last
work with
Klein's poster for the "Great German Art Exhibition"; the latter was
installed in a new classically inspired building in
1937 and was
intended to serve as a foil to "Entartete Kunst."
However, the
juxtaposition of these two exhibitions generally
failed in the
attempt to convince the German people that art and design under the
Nazis had reached new heights of aesthetic
achievement.
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7.42 Anonymous, Entartete Kunst (Degenerate Art)
Exhibition, 1937.
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7.43 Anonymous, Entartete Kunsi (Degenerate
Art), 1937, an exhibition that opened in Munich July 19,
1937, and toured Germany
1937 Catalog cover. The cover shows Otto Freundlich's
sculpture Der Neue Mensch (The New Man), 1912.
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7.44 Anonymous,
Entartete Kunst
(Degenerate Art) Exhibition,
1936-7. Poster.
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Typography
under the Nazis
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The
ongoing debate in Germany over the appropriateness of
roman versus fraktur lettering
also gained new impetus under the Nazis. While this debate had long
been rife with political overtones, it is notable that a majority
of the German public probably
did not care one way or another.
While in The New Typography
Tschichold had asserted that
fraktur was a dangerously nationalist form of lettering, many
progressive typographers before 1933 had worked in both styles
without asserting a specific political viewpoint.
Likewise, the Constructivist designer of Futura, Paul Rcnner,
sometimes produced texts using fraktur. While Renner worked briefly
for the Nazi government, and was head of design for an
international exhibition in Milan, his 1933 article
"Kulturbolschewismus?" ("Cultural Bolshevism?") led to his
arrest. In this article, Renner
challenged the Nazi claim that
modern, urban culture was somehow
"Bolshevik," a theme often
repeated in government
publications. The Nazis were able to
gain considerable support from
German industrialists by invoking the specter of Communism and
suggesting that private enterprises
were in danger of being made
into communal property. Despite his opposition to Nazi policies,
Renner was one of the only
modern designers who never fled
Germany.
After the Nazis seized power, they quickly instituted a policy
whereby all official government publications had to be printed in
fraktur. Because they considered blackletter script to convey a
strictly German national identity, children's textbooks and curricula
were overhauled to stress this new national style. While this
policy was never totally implemented, and exceptions were made for
the faux classicism exemplified by Klein's work, the overt
use of either seriffed lettering or sans serif forms as well as the
geometric
principles of the New Typography became quite rare.
Under this state ideology, the New Typography became known as
Schriftentartung
("degenerate writing"), a corollary to the concept
of Entartete Kunst. The Nazis were obsessed with the idea of
cultural
decline, which they believed they would forestall through the
implementation of conservative typographic principles.
Significantly, the strict cultural policies of the Nazi government
were not always enforced to the letter, and plentiful examples
of sans serif
type and ranged left designs exist from this period.
While there were
already a number of useful fraktur scripts in circulation in the
1930s, the Nazis oversaw the creation of a number
of new alphabets, most with staunchly ideological names such
as Deutschland
or National (fig. 7.45). These 1930s' scripts are
referred to by
typographers with some irony as Schaftstiefelgrotesk,
which means
roughly "jackboot grotesques." The stylistic reference
in the name points to the schematic shapes of many of the letters in
these new alphabets, which tended to favor long black vertical
elements reminiscent of the long black boots worn by
Nazi paramilitary forces. Undoubtedly
unbeknown to the Nazi patrons of
the Schaftstiefelgrotesk forms, they actually represent a
hybrid type of blackletter that merges the fraktur tradition
with some of the abstract
geometric principles of contemporary
sans serif.
In a stunning
reversal to this policy that often goes unremarked
today, in 1941 the Nazis abruptly instituted a total
elimination of fraktur in favor
of roman type. The reason for this
shift was not immediately clear, as the official communique made
use of the Nazi's catch-all theme
of the "Jewishness" of fraktur
(fig. 7.46).
While no scholar would attempt
to explain Nazi policy in entirely rational, human terms, the
notion that blackletter
script represents a tradition of
Judenletter (literally "Jewish letters")
is m
especially bizarre fabrication even for a regime led by anti-Semitic
monsters. The historian Hans Peter Willberg has pointed
out that the shift to roman probably
represents the German government's
belief in 1941, the year of its greatest military successes
in the Second World War, that it
would inevitably dominate the
entire globe. Taking a page from
the Bauhaus ideology of univer-salism, it probably seemed apropos
for the regime to adopt a more
"global" style of roman
typography. In addition, civilians in many
countries under German
occupation were unable to read fraktur.
Ironically, this late shift in
style went largely unrecognized by later generations, and in
the postwar years fraktur was hopelessly
tainted by its perceived function
as "Nazi writing."
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7.45 Anonymous, Deutschland Typeface, 1934.
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7.46 M. Bormann, A Letter Against Fraktur, 1941.
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see also:
John Heartfield |
John Heartfield's Photomontages
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An
interesting counterpoint to Nazi propaganda emerged in the
case of John Heartfield, a Berlin
Dada artist who
used photomontage to subvert the
propaganda images of the
Third Reich. Heartfield had joined Berlin Club Dada in 1918
following his discharge from the German military. Along with
Hannah Hoch, Raoul Hausmann, and George Grosz, Heartfield
endeavored to make some of the
first Dada photomontages at this
time. He also enthusiastically
embraced the German Communist Party, with which he remained involved
well into the 1930s.
Heartficld's
1932 photomontage Adolf the Superman: Swallows
Gold and Spouts
Junk was
created as a
political poster for use in
the 1932
elections (fig. 7.47). Its artful combination of a photo of
Hitler, an X-rayed torso, and a cascade of gold coins was used
to undermine the politician's
vaunted public speaking ability through caricature. By calling attention to the wealthy industrialists
who bankrolled the Nazi party, Heartfield sought to discredit the
idea of the Nazis as representative of everyday working
people—an idea shown in Schweitzer's poster from the same
election (see fig. 7.35).
After working
for a number of publications, in 1930
Heartfield
joined the staff of the Communistinclined Arbeiter-Illustrierte-Zeitung
(AIZ),
or "Worker's
Illustrated Newspaper,"
for which he
made some of his most daring photomontages. A
February 1935
cover for AIZ, captioned at the top "Nazis Playing
with Fire," used montage to depict the
Nazi Hermann Goering (1893-1946)
as a crazed arsonist (fig. 7.48). Goering is shown
using a flaming torch to set
fire to the Earth, a reference to the second anniversary of the
notorious Reichstag fire of 1933. Goering was a Nazi deputy and
President of the Reichstag in 1933, and played a significant role in
the Nazi crackdown
following the fire. Most historians believe that the fire was
started by the Nazis
themselves in order to provide a pretext to round up, imprison, and
kill a number of their political enemies in what would become the
first of many extrajudicial actions by the government. Soon after
Hitler consolidated his power in 1933,
Heartfield fled to Czechoslovakia
and eventually settled in Britain. Heartfield's image of Goering as
a violent monster is
actually not too far off the mark, as in 1941 Goering initiated the
plan for the complete
elimination of European Jewry now known as the Holocaust.
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7.47 John Heartfield,
Adolf the Superman:
Swallows Gold and Spouts Junk
1932.
Photomontage.
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7.48 John Heartfield, Das Spiel der Nazis
mit dem Feuer
(The Nazis Play with Fire), 1933. Poster.
Rotogravure print, photographed montage with typography,
Courtesy George Eastman House.
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The Second World War
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The Second
World War began on September 1, 1939, when Nazi
Germany and the Soviet Union invaded
Poland, triggering that
country's defensive alliance with France and Great Britain. Prior
to the invasion of Poland, Britain and France had sought to
appease Hitler in the vain hope
of avoiding armed conflict. The
first two years of the war saw a series of spectacular successes by
the German military,
which came to control most of continental
Europe. By 1941, swelled by the
army's achievements and convinced of Germany's inevitable global domination, Hitler
commenced "Operation Barbarossa,"
opening a second, Eastern
front against his former ally
Russia. In December of that year the
United States joined the Allied
cause, having previously provided Britain with a lifeline of
military supplies. During 1942, the Nazis established the "final
solution" as secret state policy, committing
substantial resources to the
mass murder and elimination of all European Jews. The two European
fronts, Western and Eastern, eventually proved impossible for
Germany to sustain, and Nazi
forces suffered
their first major defeat against Russia in 1943 at Stalingrad. After
that loss, Germany was gradually overcome by
the Allies, and
ultimately surrendered after Hitler's suicide in his bunker on May
7,1945. The survey of Second World War propaganda
posters here is not as detailed as the section on those of the
First
World War, and is intended solely to point out new trends
during the second conflict; it should
be noted that most propaganda of
the second conflict repeated techniques and themes from the first.
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Germany
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When the
Second World War began in 1939, the German government continued its
substantial output of propaganda. The
Nazis favored the new media of
radio and newsreel, but still relied on posters as well.
Chapter 3 made note of Hitler's disdain for
Germany's emotionally flat
propaganda posters from the First World War and his admiration for
the British effort; before and during the Second World War Nazi
poster artists used emotionally laden themes of guilt that British
designers had deployed
over two decades earlier.
While
propaganda artists worked in a variety of styles, illustration
was the mainstay of the German war poster. Early in 1939, Goebbels
initiated a new poster campaign called the "Message of the Week."
The resulting images were among the most emotionally
manipulative produced during the war. For example, a poster
from September
19 that year, produced just two weeks after the
invasion of
Poland, juxtaposes a photograph of dead civilians with
a photo of the
British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain
(1869-1940), and
the slogan "Chamberlain's Work!" (fig. 7.49).
The reference
is to the murder of a group of German civilians by Polish partisans;
the poster echoes the ridiculous Nazi claim that the attack was
planned by the British. In fact, the Nazis had conceived the attack
in order to provide a pretext for their invasion. The photo of the
bodies of what are clearly civilians combined with the blood-red,
dripping letters create a prime example of an "atrocity" image
intended to inflame public opinion.
Ludwig
Hohlwein continued to serve the Nazi cause during
the war, producing a number of posters in his familiar Sachplakat
style. An example from 1942 calls for German civilians to obey the
blackout rules established to hinder allied bombing campaigns
(fig.
7.50).
The elegant skyline is formed from a series of overlapping
flat blue fields, punctuated by the bright yellow windows.
Boxes for text add energy to the image in that they seem to have
been hurled in the air by an explosion. The scripted letters read,
"Can you be responsible for this? You are helping the enemy!"
This poster
sounds the note of betrayal that Hitler had first
invoked following
the First World War, in which he argued that
German civilians had treacherously undermined the war effort.
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7.49 Anonymous, Chamberlain's
Work!,
1939. Poster.
Hoover Institution Archives,
Stanford
University, CA. Poster Collection.
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7.50 Ludwig Hohlwein,
Blackout,
1942. Poster.
Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford
University,
CA. Poster Collection.
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Britain
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In a telling contrast to German propaganda, British designers tended
to tone down their posters during the Second World War, as there had
been substantial criticism by English pundits of the extremely
manipulative nature of First World War posters. Most
of the new British posters returned to familiar themes of heroism
and adventure (fig. 7.51), without resorting to explicit
themes of
guilt, as in the first war's Daddy What did
you do during the Great
War?
In this example
the text attempts to lift morale on the home
front through a
wholly positive message that is reinforced by the
image of soaring
Spitfires. In addition, there was a much more
widespread use
of photography in posters during the Second
World War.
The British poster captioned "Never was so much owed by
so many to so few" celebrated the heroism of the Royal Air Force
(RAF) in the
Battle of Britain, when the RAF managed to hold
German forces at
bay during the summer of 1940 (fig. 7.52). By maintaining air
superiority, Britain was able to forestall Hitler's planned invasion
of the isles indefinitely. The text of a famous
quote about the battle, spoken by Prime
Minister Winston Churchill (1874-1965) in a speech in the House of
Commons on August 20,1940,
appears to float in the sky on top of a full-bleed
photograph (actually a
photomontage) of British pilots. The white
lettering is placed so that it
looks like "skywriting" on the blue
sky. The all-capital sans serif
lettering emphasizes Churchill's
inspiring words while seamlessly
meshing with the modern photographic image. The pilots are framed
so that they seem to look
into the distance over the head of the viewer, a vantage point seen
previously in El Lisskzky's Russian exhibition poster of 1928 (see
fig. 5.42) as well as Lester Beall's poster for the US Department of
Agriculture (see fig. 7.23).
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7.51 Anonymous, Mightier Yet!,
1942
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7.52 Anonymous, "Never was so much owed by
so many to so few"
(Winston Churchill), 1940. Poster. Imperial War Museum,
London.
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Russia and
France
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After the German invasion of Russia in 1941, artists in that country
ramped up their production of propaganda posters. There is
some irony in
that, under Josef Stalin, the Constructivist style that
the Nazis
claimed exemplified "Bolshevism" had been completely
suppressed in
the Soviet Union itself. In fact, Stalin insisted
on the same type of idealized
naturalism in the arts that Hitler
admired; for both countries it
was imperative that pro-government propaganda be
intelligible to the broadest number of
people. For these reasons,
Russian posters from the Second World
War use the techniques of
illustration combined with strong
emotional appeals. The example
shown here, Our Hope is in You, Red Warrior!, shows a tearful
young woman in a German prison
camp (fig. 7.53). In the
background, a Nazi soldier is shooting through the barbed wire at
helpless civilians. After the invasion,
millions of Russians had been trapped behind the advancing
German forces.
In contrast to
German and Russian realism, a French poster from 1944 is in line
with Art Deco style. This poster celebrates
the courage of
the "Legion of French Volunteers" who fought the
Nazi occupation
of France (fig. 7.54). The sleek, geometrically
stylized wedge
of the soldier's body rises up at an angle like the
prow of a ship,
a subject seen in so many Art Deco travel posters.
Invoking the
machine aesthetic, the figure's body has the same smooth texture as
the steel of his machine gun.
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7.53 Ivanov and Burova, Our Hope Is in You, Red
Warrior!, 1943. Poster.
Hoover Institution Archives, Stanford University, CA. Poster
Collection.
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7.54 Anonymous, Legion of French Volunteers,
1944. Poster.
Hoover Institution Archives. Stanford University, CA.
Poster Collection.
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The United
States
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In the United
States, the Second World War witnessed a continuation of the Art
Deco styles made popular by the Federal Art
Project, a trend
that was reinforced by the assistance of several
European
expatriate artists, such as the French graphic designer
Jean Carlu.
Carlu's poster Production: America's Answer! was created
in
response to a contest organized by the Museum of Modern Art in April
of 1941 (fig. 7.56). Later printed by the Office of
Emergency
Management, the image shows a gloved hand turning
a hexagonal nut
that also forms the letter "O." While the sleek machine forms are
pure Art Deco, the rather plain-looking lettering
lacks the stylish shapes typical of the style. Carlu uses this
nondescript lettering in order
to convey the simple, unadorned strength of American industry in a manner that is visually striking
without appearing affected and elitist. Cognizant that the
poster was intended for the
walls of factory lunch rooms, Carlu found just the right balance of
artifice and naturalism.
Charles Coiner,
who served as an art director for the Office of
Emergency
Management during the war, oversaw the production of Carlu's poster.
He also worked in the field of information
design, which
had taken on a new urgency because of the need to
train millions
of unskilled soldiers in the use of complex weaponry. Coiner's most
famous foray into information design
was a set of
symbols for the Citizens' Defense Corps which were to be used if the
United States itself was invaded (fig. 7.57). The symbols
made use of simple iconic drawings each of which indicated
a different role, such as fireman or policeman. Anticipating later
integrated information design systems, Coiner's work used
"universal"
geometric shapes such as the triangle.
During the war
years, traditional realistic representation also
thrived, as
iconic figures such as "Uncle Sam" were rolled out
again, matched
now with "Rosie the Riveter," a figure that
personified the
millions of American women who worked in
factories in
support of war production. The legend of Rosie arose
partly out of
the verses of a popular song written in 1943 by
Redd Evans and
John Loeb:
All the day
long,
Whether
rain or shine,
She's a part of
the assembly line.
She's making
history,
Working for
victory,
Rosie the
Riveter.
But it was not
until the famed illustrator Norman Rockwell featured "Rosie" on the
cover of the Saturday Evening Post in
May 1943 that
the character became well known. Because
Rockwell's work
was copyrighted, the poster captioned We Can
Do It!).
Howard Miller, an illustrator for the
Westinghouse Corporation, became
the most recognizable image of "Rosie"
(fig. 7.55).
Miller's image was widely
accepted as representing
"Rosie" even though it was an anachronism, having predated the song
by almost a year. It is interesting to compare the muscular,
commanding figure of "Rosie" with the lithe, feminine "Christy
Girls" of the First World
War. While the Christy Girls were
intended to appeal seductively to
an audience of men, the image
of Rosic was
used to encourage thousands of women to join the
war effort.
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7.55 J. Howard Miller, We Can Do It!, 1942,
Poster.
Photolithograph. National Archives, Washington, DC.
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7.56 Jean Carlu, America's Answer' Production,
1942 Poster Offset lithograph.
Museum of Modern Art, New York.
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7.57 Charles Coiner, Citizens'
Defense Corps Symbols, 1942.
Collection of Merril C Berman.
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Norman Rockwell
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While American
propaganda posters of the 1940s toned down the "atrocity" themes,
like their British counterparts, many images sought to contrast
American society with that of Nazi
Germany.
Perhaps the greatest examples of this theme were
the images of
the "Four Freedoms," produced by Norman Rockwell (1894-1978), based
on a speech by Franklin Roosevelt.
On January 6,
1941, President Roosevelt spoke before Congress, implicitly decrying
the lack of civil rights in Germany. He listed "four freedoms." "The
first is freedom of speech and expression— everywhere in the world.
The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own
way—everywhere in the world. The third
is freedom from
want... The fourth is freedom from fear."
Rockwell,
America's most renowned illustrator at the time,
made four
original paintings for the Saturday Evening Post based
on the speech.
Later, these illustrations were turned into posters
advertising war
bonds. The Freedom of Speech poster features a
working man who
looks suspiciously like former President
Abraham Lincoln
at a town meeting (fig. 7.58). Rockwell's idealized
portrayals of American life earned him a popular following,
although
progressive artists disdained his representational style.
In many ways,
the Second World War marked the end of an era in American graphic
design, as realistic illustrations such as Rockwell's, which had
dominated American graphic media for decades, had one final hurrah.
After the war, the modern abstract
styles championed by Conde Nast and the
Museum of Modern Art came to
dominate the mass media. One reason for this development was that
idealized naturalism became tainted in many people's minds by its
association with the manipulative propaganda of Nazi Germany.
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7.58 Norman Rockwell,
Save Freedom of Speech, 1943.
Poster. Color lithograph.
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