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5
Revolutions in Design
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Britain, France,
Italy, and the United States were not the only countries in
which avant-garde art movements
had a major
influence on graphic design in the period after the
First World War. The two major developments introduced
here, Dutch
De Stijl and Russian
Constructivism, had a long-lasting impact
on graphic design. Both these
artistic trends were indebted to Cubism and
emphasized geometric abstraction. For this reason, they also had an
indirect
impact on the Art Deco style However, De Stijl and
Russian Constructivism were less closely tied to the Paris art
scene, which
included Cubism, Futurism, and Purism; and Art Deco was by no means
the most
far-reaching consequence of De Stijl and Russian Constructivism in
terms of graphic design. Some
special circumstances informing the creation and
dissemination of De Stijl and
Russian Constructivism, especially considering
the latter's
revolutionary context, merit that they be considered separately.
The work of both groups can only be understood in the context of the
conclusion and aftermath of the First World War. Out of that
conflict arose
new trends that established a visual language that would eventually
come to
dominate the graphic design field for decades to come.
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see also:
De Stijl
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De Stijl
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The
post-war De Stijl movement in the Netherlands embraced a
sense of order that was in many
ways a response to the trauma of
the First World War. "De Stijl"
means "The Style," and the sense
of impersonal, universal
principles conveyed by that bland name was an important part of the
group's ideology. Founded in the city of Leiden in 1917 by a group
of artists and architects that
included Theo van Doesburg
(1883-1931), Piet Mondrian (1872-1944), Bart van der Leek
(1876-1958), and Gerrit
Rietveld (1888-1964), De Stijl mixed admiration for the modern
machine world with an at
times mystical asceticism. Van
Doesburg, in many ways the
driving theoretical force behind De Stijl, had returned to Leiden
after serving in the Dutch army for three years. The artists of De
Stijl felt that rampant individualism
as well as nationalist egotism
was responsible for the savagery of
the conflict that began in 1914,
and they offered a universal language
of geometric abstraction as a salve for Europe's wounded psyche. Van
Doesburg wrote, "The old is connected with the individual. The new is connected with the universal." In their view,
reductive geometric abstraction could not be identified with any one
country or individual and therefore stood as the most suitable
universal style for the
new post-war era. The Dutch words nieuwe
beeld'tng
("new imagery") served as a sort
of catch-all term, indicating
the group's desire to spur on a fresh start in the visual arts as
well as in society in
general.
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Seeking Universal Harmony
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The De Stijl
artists shared with the Purists and others a strong Neoplatonist
bias: their an was guided by the concept of an abstract ideal of
universal harmony. By limiting the number of expressive elements in
their work, they believed that they could
effectively
represent their communal, abstract ideals in material terms. De
Stijl features a strong Utopian theme, as its members
purified an of
representation and emotion in the hope of effecting
broader social
change. As was the case with a number of modern art movements, the
messy details of social change were brushed over, and outside vague
notions of universal peace and harmony,
it was never
clear what specific Utopia the De Stijl artists hoped to
gain. It should be noted that the
puritanical attitude toward art
promulgated by De Stijl as a universal doctrine resonates, in fact,
with a Dutch national
tradition that values sobriety and Calvinist discipline. As was the
case with the French Purist movement, it
proved impossible for De Stijl
artists fully to embrace universal-ism
in a way that shed their national identity. Furthermore, it
should be noted that the various artists who founded or later passed
through the group did not all share one homogeneous
vision of art or of society.
Piet Mondrian used the term "neoplasticism" to
refer to his aesthetic, one that
rejected the decorative excesses of pre-war an as well as the
emotionally laden complexity of contemporary Expressionism. While
Mondrian had progressed through a Cubist phase after moving to Paris
in 1911, in De Stijl, although still clearly influenced by Analytic
Cubist strategies, he advocated a more radical type of
simplification than that of Pablo Picasso or
George Braque. A mature work from 1922 by Mondrian, Tableau
2,
is completely "non-objective,"
meaning that it does not represent anything from the natural
world, only Mondrian's abstract ideals (fig. 5.1). For Mondrian, a painting such as this
demonstrates a series of
balanced forms suggestive of the inherent
harmony of the universe. He has limited his use of formal elements to
straight lines, orthogonal compositions, and an austere
palette of primary colors along
with white, black, and gray.
Despite its non-objective
quality, Tableau 2 displays the precision
and hardedged geometric shapes consonant with a commitment to the
machine aesthetic.
A series of
three images by Theo van Doesburg indicates how
an apparently
non-objective painting can be derived from the
artist's study
of nature (fig. 5.2a,b,c). Through the systematic process of
simplification and the gradual introduction of geometric
structure, van Doesburg manages to transform a drawing of
a cow into a
total abstraction. This process indicates how De Stijl
artists
felt that natural forms contain the essence of universal
harmony, so
that even as mundane a creature as a cow is representative
of a higher plane of Neoplatonist transcendence. It should
also be noted
how this series of images betrays De Stijl's roots in Analytic
Cubist faceting, as the image of the cow passes through
a Cubist phase
before it is further simplified. Van Doesburg explicitly endorsed
this Cubist connection, although he asserted that De Stijl artists
had gone farther in considering the formal implications of the style
that had originated with Picasso and
Braque. Of
course, De Stijl was created as a universal design style
that was not to be limited to the fine
art realm; rather it was to unify
all types of visual culture under one set of harmonious principles.
It is important to remember that De Stijl was not simply an
art movement, but comprised a group of people who wanted to
act as agents of social change.
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5.1 Piet Mondnan, Tableau 2,
with Yellow,
Black, Blue, Red, and Gray,
1922.
Guggenheim Museum, New York.
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5.2a Theo van Doesburg, Study 1, Composition
(The Cowl), 1916.Museum of Modern Art, New York. Purchase.
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5.2b Theo van Doesburg, Study 2,
Composition (The Cowl),
1917.Museum
of Modern Art, New York. Purchase.
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5.2c Theo van Doesburg,
Study 3, Composition (The Cowl), c. 1917.
Museum of Modern Art,
New York. Purchase.
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Typography and Journal Design
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Of all of the
postwar avantgarde art movements, De Stijl had
one of the most
immediate impacts on graphic design and typography
in Europe. In October 1917, the same year that the group
was first established, van
Doesburg began publishing a journal
also called De Stijl. In
many ways De Stijl was at the core of the
movement, because it allowed the
members to promote their art
and ideology to a wider public. During the years 1917-32, De
Stijl established itself as a consistent vehicle wherein the
ideas of the
European avant-garde could be discussed and critiqued. At the same
time, the journal served as a visual example of the group's
aesthetic principles in the realm of typography and graphic design.
During its first three years, van Doesburg published thirty-six
issues of De Stijl, featuring a series of articles about the
movement's
philosophy and aesthetics. The overwhelming majority of
these essays were written in Dutch. These early essays mainly concerned
the aesthetic and quasi-philosophical principles espoused by
Mondrian, who it is estimated wrote over 70 per cent of De
Stijl's
content before 1920. In a letter to another founding member
of De Stijl, Bart van der Leek, van Doesburg outlined his plans for
the journal: "The magazine will only concern itself with the modern
style ... Typographically and aesthetically it will be austere,
without any trappings." Van Doesburg followed through
with this plan, and the resulting journal was for the most part
nondescript from the standpoint
of graphic design. However, a cover page combining a logotype at the
top by van Doesburg with a woodcut design by Vilmos Huszar
(1884-1960) is more aggressive
in asserting the artistic principles of De Stijl (fig. 5.3).
Reproduced via letterpress, van Doesburg's logotype features
letters that are made up of squares and rectangles, each letter's
horizontal and vertical elements separated into discrete units.
While
each letter is itself defined by its rectilinear and orthogonal
elements, the overall word also forms a tight rectangular block.
The
logotype produced for the journal did not have legibility as
its prime feature, but rather
represented an attempt to establish a dramatic form with immediate
impact on the viewer. Note that
the explanatory text at the bottom is composed of more legible
letterforms, declaring De
Stijl a "monthly journal of the expressive
professions."
In 1919, van
Doesburg completed an experimental alphabet
in which the
letters were similarly determined by an underlying
geometric
scheme, in this case the shape of a square box—like an
em box—that had
been divided into twenty-five equal parts, five rows of five
(fig. 5.4). In designing this alphabet, van Doesburg
look
exceptional liberties with the rules of proponion that govern
traditional typography. In this
uppercase alphabet he distorted
letters on both the horizontal and vertical axes in order to make
them fill out the shape of the square. This investigationl
endeavor demonstrates how an imaginary grid underlies much of
De Stijl's graphic design and
typography. For most of the avantgarde artists discussed in this
chapter, the grid was a fundamental
underlying structure, serving
both as a representative of pure, Neoplatonic forms and as a key
design element.
Huszar's
abstract design is centered on the cover along with the
logotype, although the fundamental aesthetic principle it illus-trates
is asymmetry. Here, Huszar shows how simple geometric elements can
create expressive tension when they are composed with
an exquisite sense of contrast. This fundamental element of modern
graphic design and typography is manifest not only in the
differing shapes and their alignment on the horizontal and
vertical axes, but also in the drama created between solid and void.
The startling asymmetry of the design makes a perfect counterpoint
with the tight rectangular block of text—a rectangle that itself
plays off the proportions of the overall page and the surrounding
empty space. For the artists of De Stijl, the aesthetic
principle of contrast, visible in terms of composition as well as
color, was suggestive of the elemental forces of the universe. In
accordance with the ideas of the Dutch spiritual philosopher M.
H.J. Schoenmaekers (1875-1944), members of De Stijl believed that
they could express universal truths through the employment
of contrasting elements.
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5.3 Theo van Doesburg (logotype) and Vilmos Huszar
(woodcut), De Stijl.
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5.4 Theo van Doesburg, Alphabet, 1917.
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see also:
De Stijl
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De Stijl
Redesigned
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Early in 1921,
van Doesburg along with Mondrian completely
redesigned the
journal De Stijl as part of a new effort to appeal
to a broader
European audience. The subtitle was changed to include the words
"International Monthly," and the publication
sites, now
including Paris and Rome as well as the original
Leiden, were
listed on the cover. Articles were to be published in
more widely
known languages than Dutch, especially French. Despite Mondrian's
participation in the initial makeover—which
had actually
been spurred by his visit to Paris and surprise at
De Stijl's
limited penetration into the
art world there—the new De
Stijl was primarily a mouthpiece for van Doesburg.
The new design
for the cover featured the title, De Stijl, printed in black
on top of the red letters "NB," an acronym for
the slogan
nieuwe beelding (fig. 5.5). The most noticeable break
with the earlier
design resides in the asymmetry of the composition,
which deviates from the axial centering of the first three
volumes. There
is a broad, blank space in the center of the cover, which for De
Stijl artists did not represent "absence" of design, but was an
intrinsic element that was balanced with the filledin
parts of the
composition. The typeface is fairly nondescript, a
rather bold grotesque of
nineteenth-century origin with the
proportions of roman capitals.
The overprinted black letters seem
to float on top of the larger
"NB," creating a slight illusion of
three-dimensional space. This use
of color as a structural element in design was another
important contribution of De Stijl to modern design. While in the
current example Mondrian and van
Doesburg were limited to red and black, they are able to get the
most out of even this
inexpensive palette through careful juxtapositions. The design of
De Stijl is also representative of one type
of avantgarde letterpress
printing, the use of standard types, ornaments, and rules in new
dramatic combinations. Some contemporary designers were dogmatic in
wanting to develop their new, abstract language out of the everyday
elements of an average
printer's typecase, thus showing how beauty can be found
in the most mundane aspects of
the modern world. Van Doesburg
had first used this technique in
the third volume of De Stijl, when
he had published an article that
mixed different type sizes in
order to create visual and
conceptual emphasis.
The new phase
of De Stijl prospered under van Doesburg's
editorial
guidance, mainly because of his openness to emerging
artistic trends
that shared many of the same interests as those of De Stijl's
membership. For example, in 1922, he published a
Dutch version of
the children's poem "Of Two Squares" (fig. 5.7),
by the Russian
artist El Lissitzky (1890-1941). Informed by both the Suprematist
and Russian Constructivist movements (see
below),
Lissitzky's design showcases an experiment in the same
fundamentally
reductive abstract language as that used by the artists of De Stijl.
In addition, he displays an inventive use of
typography as a
signifier of meaning that demonstrates awareness
of Apollinaire's
"Cubist" Calligrammes. Lissitzky demonstrated a
much more
sophisticated use of existing type, transforming it into
a
breathtakingly novel and dynamic composition. In the page
reproduced here
Lissitzky does not limit himself, as De Stijl artists
did, to the
horizontal and vertical axes, but includes asymmetrical, diagonal
elements as well. It is arguable that De Stijl's greatest
contribution to graphic design lay in
the popularization of
Lissitzky's graphic work.
Oblique designs
such as Lissitzky's were eventually adopted
by van Doesburg
in 1924, when he made a series of paintings in which the familiar
rectangular blocks have been turned 45
degrees. Van
Doesburg called these new, more dynamic forms "Contra compositions,"
and argued that they increased the vitality
of the overall
composition while still maintaining the rigorous geometry of De
Stijl. The oblique allowed for van Doesburg to
explore new
relationships while continuing to abide by the founding
principles of asymmetry and contrast. Mondrian staunchly
disagreed with
van Doesburg's new strategy, as he felt that
diagonal
compositions introduced an element of personal expression that
violated the universal precepts of De Stijl. This dispute led to the
break-up of De Stijl as a unified group, resulting in van Doesburg's
ascendance to a position of unqualified
control. As
editor of De Stijl, he was the most well-known figure
in the movement and the one most able
to dictate in print where it was
headed in the future.
A few of the members of De Stijl quickly adopted its principles for
the purpose of completing advertising commissions. It is
significant to
note that despite its Utopian aspirations, the
members of De
Stijl were not antagonistic toward modern society,
and in fact
hoped to promulgate De Stijl principles as much as
possible through
a variety of fine art as well as commercial projects.
In 1919, Piet Zwart (1885-1977) became acquainted with
De Stijl ideas when he joined
the architectural firm of Jan Wils (1891-1972), a founding
member of the movement. In 1921,
Zwart designed a letterhead for Wils's firm that demonstrates all of
the qualities of De Stijl design: orthogonal structure; contrasts of
solid and void, horizontal and vertical; dynamic asymmetry;
and sans serif lettering composed
into block-like rectangles (Jig. 5.6). Zwart further refined
his use of this basic design language
in a series of logos for the
loco Corporation beginning in 1922. In this design, the monumental
quality of the shapes, as well as their architectonic relationships,
shows Zwart's grounding in the
practice of architecture.
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5.5 Theo van Doesburg, NB De Stijl, 1921. Art
journal. Letterpress.
University College London (UCL), Special Collections.
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5.6 Piet Zwart, Jan Wils Logo, 1920.
Letterpress. Collection
Elaine Lustig Cohen. |
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5.7 El Lissitzky, "Of Two Squares " from De Stijl.
1922.
Book frontcover and aackcover. Private collection.
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see also:
De Stijl
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De Stijl Architecture
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The exploration
of architectonic form was in many ways at the heart of the De Stijl
enterprise. Architecture's centrality came
about partly
because of the abstract geometry that underlies most architectural
projects. However, its central role was mainly based
on the fact that it represented the
most complete opportunity for an
artist to synthesize many arts into a unitary whole. This relates
again to the concept of
the Gesamtkunstwerk, or "total work of art,"
first discussed in Chapter 2.
Modern artists with a Utopian bent had long sought to build a
complete environment, one that in Dc
Stijl's case would serve as a visual manifestation of the "new harmony"
in art and society that was the ultimate goal of the group. Van
Doesburg had become interested in color in architecture as
early as 1917, when he began a
series of studies that demonstrated
how color contrast could be used in building design. Beginning in 1922,
he started to collaborate with the architect Cornelis van
Esteren (1897-1988) on a model house called the Maison
Particuliere. The "axonometric" drawing, a type of three-dimensional
projection (1923; fig. 5.8), displays the De Stijl principles
of contrast and asymmetry in both the overall composition as well as
in the color relationships.
For the most
part, van Doesburg's architectural work
remained
speculative, and it was another De Stijl architect, Gerrit Rietveld,
who was first commissioned to make the neo-plastic style into an
architectural reality. Rietveld's Schroder House, the
fruit of a
collaboration with his patron, Mrs Truus Schroder-Schrader of
Utrecht, shows the potential of De Stijl design to
serve as the
basis for a dynamic new architecture (fig. 5.9). The
Schroder House
appears less like a series of solid volumes than
as a
conglomeration of individual planes that pass through one
another. The brightly colored planes of
the building interpenetrate in a manner indebted to Cubism and
Futurism, seemingly unattached
to a solid volume. Rather, a sense of weightless openness
pervades the structure. The contrasting bold primary colors
also add to this effect, as certain details, such as the yellow steel
post that supports one
corner of the front balcony, seem almost
detached from the overall
building. In some important ways, the extravagant stylization of
Rietveld's work can be compared to the
illegibility of
van Doesburg's original De Stijl logotype. It is the
case with both
these works that an attempt to convey universal
principles of
harmony was essentially overshadowed by the star-tlingly
idiosyncratic nature of the finished work. Rather than appearing as
the anonymous harbingers of a new, international
style, they
both come across as radically unique, paradoxically the
product of a
startling, individual vision that fundamentally contradicts
the core beliefs of the whole group.
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5.8 C.Esteren and Theo van
Doesburg, Axonometnc drawing,
Maison Particuhere, 1923.
Pencil and watercolor on
tracing paper. Netherlands
Architecture
Institute.
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5.9 Gerrit Rietveld. Schroder House,
Utrecht, 1924-5. Het Utrechts Archief
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see also:
De Stijl
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De Stijl Poster Design
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The graphic
designer Bart van der Leek's commercial work and
painting both
served as an important precursor of De Stijl around the time of its
creation. His 1915 poster for the Muller shipping
line, one of a
variety of design projects he completed for the powerful
Kroller-Miiller family, features a highly structured geometric
clarity
that was soon integrated into the broader De Stijl vocabulary
(fig. 5.10). While the illustration of the ship is
conventional in
many details,
its overall effect is one of horizontal mass. Its black
shape is
reinforced by the bold horizontal and vertical rules,
which introduce an element of contrast.
The lettering that Van der Leek
devised for this lithograph shows some of the tendency to "find the
frame" in the way in which the letters are distorted
horizontally so that their widths
will all be equal. Finally, his uncomplicated palette of mainly
primary colors shows his
embrace of simplicity at a time before it had been allied with
De Stijl's sometimes
obscurantist ideology.
As much as his
work and friendship with Mondrian made Van der Leek a key figure in
De Stijl, he soon tired of the dogmatic
assertions of van Docsburg and Mondrian, and by 1919 was
already starting
to separate himself somewhat from the group.
It was in 1919
that Van der Leek made his most overt De Stijl
commercial
poster, a design for the Delft Salad Oil Factories
(fig. 5.11).
The
Delft factories had a long history of commissioning
edgy new designs
for their advertisements, most famously an
1894 Art Nouveau
poster by Jan Toorop (1858-1928). That
poster had been
such a stunning success that the phrase "Salad-Oil Style" became a
Dutch synonym for Art Nouveau. To produce his design, Van der Leek
passed through a series of
twelve
graduated images, each one showing more of a transformation
from illustration to geometric abstraction. Beginning with a drawing
that shows the strong black outlines he had long favored, Van der
Leek sequentially removed the outlines and filled in the former
empty spaces with primary colors. In the final maquette, the figure
has been reduced to a series of discrete
geometric
shapes, including squares, rectangles, and trapezoids.
While a human shape has been
maintained, the body of the
figure has been transformed into a solid block. As in the first
cover of the journal De
Stijl, Van der Leek has created a letterset
made up of separate geometric shapes, sacrificing much in the
way of legibility.
Unfortunately,
Van der Leek's final design was rejected by the
Delft Salad Oil
Factories' leadership, and therefore it was never
reproduced. This
fact points to the difficulty that De Stijl designers
had in convincing the general public at large that their
elemental vocabulary was a
viable form of commercial communication.
In contrast to Art Nouveau, for example, overt De Stijl works
never made the transition that had made the former style
an accepted part of the graphic
design industry. However, De Stijl designers and their work did form
part of a constellation of avantgarde
art groups devoted to geometric abstraction that together
would have a decisive impact on
commercial graphics later in the
twentieth century.
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5.10 Bart van der Leek, Rotterdam-London,
1915. Poster. Merrill C Berman Collection.
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5.11 Bart van der Leek,
Delft Salad
Dressing,
1919.
Merrill C. Berman
Collection.
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see also:
De Stijl
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De Stijl and Dada
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see also:
Dadaism
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While it may
seem that De Stijl and Dada artists would have very
little in
common—the Dadaists' embrace of absurdity and random
chance would seem to stand in direct opposition to the De
Stijl commitment to rational
structure—there were some interesting
collaborations in the 1920s involving members of the two groups. The
most important collaboration grew out of the visit
that the Dada artists Tristan
Tzara, Kurt Schwitters, and Jean Arp made to the Kongress der
Konstructivisten, or Constructivist
Congress, held in Weimar Germany
in 1922 (fig. 5.12). The term "Constructivist" can refer
broadly to avant-garde artists who pursued geometric abstraction as
a means to a Utopian end, including
the artists of De Stijl and
Russian Constructivism. At the Congress, the Dadaists met their host
van Doesburg (Schwitters
and van
Doesburg had been acquainted the previous year), who
had organized
the gathering in the small German city of Weimar,
where he lived
from 1921 to 1923. Importantly, Weimar was the
home of the German art school known as
the Bauhaus. Van Doesburg, who
had strong interests in Dada aesthetics
himself, had organized the Congress in order to explore
possible synergistic connections
between Dada and Constructivist
principles. A number of the Constructivist participants were initially
scandalized by the arrival of the Dada artists, but van Doesburg
managed to negotiate a detente of sorts. De Stijl principles
subsequently influenced Schwitters's adoption of a Constructivist
style in the 1920s.
It is important
to realize that Dada after 1918 had in some
ways lost its
original raison d'etre—protesting the First World
War—and Dada
artists had become more invested in pursuing art
and design
professionally. While still vaguely amiauthoritarian in
outlook, Dada
as practiced by Schwitters or van Doesburg in 1922 had been
transformed into a recognizable set of aesthetic principles. With
less emphasis on the nihilistic politics of the war
years, Dada
ideas of unfettered creativity and artistic rulebreaking
could be broadly
infused into avant-garde art. Also, both Dadaists
and
Constructivists shared a disdain for past tradition, the "old"
forms
that lacked a creative spirit and were representative of the
authorities
that led European civilization into war. Both groups also tended to
submerge the individual artistic personality into a depersonalized
matrix, Dada celebrating the irrational while De Stijl and
Constructivism sought to build a new rationality.
In several
issues of his publication Merz, Schwitters developed
a unique hybrid
style that successfully reconciled Dada rule-breaking with the
geometric abstraction favored by De Stijl and Russian
Constructivists (see below). In 1923, Schwitters and van Doesburg
traveled around the Netherlands promoting "Dada-Merz Evenings," a
return to the Dada tradition of provocative performances. At the
first evening, Schwitters interrupted van Doesburg's introductory
lecture by letting loose with a series of barks—and then the
absurdity and iconoclasm really got started.
The two
Dadaists created a poster (fig. 5.13) to advertise their
performances. It displays recognizable Dada elements of chaos,
and it
is hard to reconcile the promoter of the "new harmony"
taking part in
such a disharmonious endeavor. Mixing type styles and
scale, overprinting on a variety of axes, the red word "Dada"
repeatedly
cropped where it runs off the page—all these elements complement
the confusing text, which itself combines quotes from
Tristan Tzara and Francis Picabia with the nonsense sayings
favored by
Schwitters.
Despite the sense of communality engendered by the Weimar Congress,
the
distance
separating De Stijl and Dada strategics is manifest in the fact that
van Doesburg used a pseudonym, I.K. Bonset, when he was working in a
Dada idiom. The name is in fact a phonetic joke, because to a Dutch
speaker it sounds like the phrase "I'm crazy." Between 1922 and
1923, van
Doesburg, or "Bonset," briefly published a new journal devoted to
his Dada work. Called Mecano, the journal featured
the same sort
of topsy-turvy Dada designs that were featured in other similar
publications. The cover of the third issue {out of
a total of four)
of Mecano appears to be a hybrid of De Stijl-type
orthogonal
structure and a whimsical use of letters rotated on to different
axes, forcing the reader to rotate the page in order to
make sense of
the words (fig. 5.14). The saw blade in the center served as
an emblem of Mecano, representing the destruaive force
of Dada satire.
This "red" issue—the second one had been the "blue" issue—was
published in both Dutch and French in an attempt to attract a broad
international audience. Of course, the penchant for primary colors
speaks to the aesthetic of the De
Stijl movement.
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5.12 Constructive Congress,
Weimar, Sept 1922. Photograph.
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5.13 Theo van Doesburg and Kurt Schwitters, Kleine
Dada Soiree (Small Dada Evening), 1922. Lithograph.
Gift of Philip
Johnson. Jan Tschichold Collection.
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5.14 Theo van Doesburg, Mecano, no. 3,
1923. Magazine cover.
International Dada Archive, University
of
Iowa Libraries.
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Revolution in Russia
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Perhaps the
most spectacular outcome of the First World War was
the collapse of
four imperial governments: those of the Ottomans, Germany,
Austria-Hungary, and Russia. In terms of impact on the
visual arts, it
was the disintegration of imperial Russia that proved
to have the
most lasting effects. When the war began in 1914,
Russia was ruled
by an autocratic monarch, Tsar Nicholas II
(1868-1919). Unpopular because of
widespread corruption and
inefficiency in the government, as well as a failing economy,
Nicholas further eroded his
credibility when he sent Russia's unprepared and illsupplied army to
fight against the Central
Powers, with disastrous results. The war made the Tsar's rule
increasingly untenable as the
economy collapsed and the military
weakness of Russia became more
apparent as its losses mounted.
When riots broke out in the capital city of Petrograd (now St
Petersburg) early in 1917, the
Tsar was forced to abdicate.
After the
dissolution of the Romanov government in the
so-called February Revolution,
two competing groups of citizens
tried to take control of Russia.
Members of the Duma, a parliamentary body, established a Provisional
Government while other groups banded together to establish the
Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. Additional
Soviets, or workers'
councils, were soon established in other Russian cities, although
those in Petrograd and later Moscow took the lead in civil affairs.
Throughout 1917 the
Provisional Government and the Petrograd
Soviet clashed repeatedly over the conduct of the war (the Soviets
wanted an immediate end
to Russia's role in the conflict) and the form of Russia's next
government. This period of near anarchy ended in the fall of 1917,
when one of the constituent parties of the Soviet, the Bolsheviks
under Vladimir Lenin (1870-1924), managed to seize control of
the country. This second
revolution, called the Bolshevik (or October) Revolution, was
followed quickly by a peace treaty with the Central Powers,
as the Bolsheviks were willing to
make large territorial concessions
to the west in order to focus on
the consolidation of power in
Russia itself.
Soon after the
Bolsheviks' formation of a new government,
anti-Bolshevik
forces began organizing in an attempt to displace
the regime. The
subsequent Russian Civil War of 1918-20 was
fought between
the Red Army, representing the Bolsheviks, and
a loose
coalition of forces led by eximperial military officers
collectively known as the "Whites." The anti-Soviet Whites were
assisted
by Allied governments, including Britain and the United
States, in a
bloody yet unsuccessful attempt to forestall the
Bolsheviks'
establishment of a Communist state. For this reason,
the civil war
led to increasing hostility between Russia and Western democratic
states.
In January 1918, Lenin had overseen the writing of a new
constitution
that explicitly voided the property rights of those
he called
"exploiters"—Russia's nobility, capitalist bourgeoisie, and clergy.
The Bolsheviks claimed that they would replace these
oppressive
ruling classes with a new form of government that
would privilege
the rights of urban workers and landless peasants.
Based loosely
on the theories of the German philosopher and
social activist
Karl Marx (1818-1883), the Bolshevik government espoused Communism—a
doctrine whereby private property was
abolished and
the "means of production," which encompassed
all aspects of
economic life, were held communally by all citizens—as a panacea for
all of Russia's social problems. Under the
Bolsheviks,
Communism was essentially a Utopian promise,
because as early
as 1918 the Bolsheviks had begun centralizing
state power in
the hands of a small group of party leaders. While
offering a
greater voice in political affairs to formerly dispossessed
groups of
workers and peasants, the promise of a classless society of plenty
proved to be always just around the corner, tantalizingly
out of reach.
Partly in response to the civil war of 1918-20, the
Bolsheviks
quickly began relying on a state apparatus of powerful
domestic
security forces that used violence and intimidation to
suppress
dissent.
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The Russian Revolution
and the Bolshevik Poster
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In order to
explain Russian graphic design in the twentieth century,
it is necessary to introduce two important traditions that
played a part in the country's
popular visual culture. Beginning as early as the seventeenth
century, a type of inexpensive illustrated woodcut called a lubok
(plural: lubki) become a pervasive part of Russian life.
The mechanical production of lubki gradually advanced,
shifting from woodcut to copper engraving and, in the
nineteenth century, lithography. With tremendous variations in
quality, lubki artists combined text and image to convey religious
parables, folklore, and even political satire to a wide audience.
Stylistically, the
exuberant use of color and horror vacui compositions—allowing
little or no empty space—became an influential
force in Russian art. In the twentieth century, lubki also served
as symbols of patriotic
sentiment because they invoked a unique
national tradition. The lubok
Give Me the Bucket displays the
quintessential characteristic of
the genre, making up for its lack
of polish with an overall
high-spirited vitality (fig. 5.15).
Another
important influence for Russian graphic design was the Orthodox
Church's promulgation of religious icons. These
tempera and gold
leaf paintings generally feature figures from the history of
Christianity, especially Mary and Jesus, surrounded by a field of
gold. These images were designed to promote religious
piety in a
largely illiterate population, facilitating each figures
identification with consistent color and stock poses and facial
features.
Icons were important in terms of familiarizing the population
with the techniques of symbolism and allegory. Under the
Bolsheviks,
there would be a similar need for images that conveyed
strong messages through color and simple actions so that
they were
understandable to the broadest swath of the population.
The
twentieth-century Russian poster artist Dmitri Moor
(1883-1946) claimed that
religious icons had a substantial effect
on his own art, mainly because
of the effective use of simple, bold
color and easily comprehensible
narratives that appeal directly to the viewer on an emotional level.
In 1918, amid
the turmoil of the civil war, the Bolshevik government
recognized the need to keep popular sentiment on its
side. In fact, the Bolsheviks
considered state-sponsored use of the
mass media to be a key element
of the successful organization of a modern state and to the spread
of Communist ideology around the world. In the battle to
define the meaning of the new
Communist state, the situation was made difficult by the fact that
Russian industry was at a
low point because of the war. There were very few means of
communicating with people who lived
across the country's vast land
mass. In pursuit of their goal of influencing the public, the
Bolsheviks sought quickly to replace tsarist monuments with images
of their own leaders, while also
organizing numerous public
festivals and parades.
As early as the
time of the outbreak of the Russian Revolution in 1917, a thriving
community of Bolshevik poster
artists had also sought to influence public opinion about the
conflict. As a pan of this
effort, the Bolsheviks established the
concept of
"agitation-propaganda," sometimes shortened to
"agitprop," as a key strategy in
service of the revolution. Under the doctrine of agitprop,
the government devoted significant
resources to the "selling" of
Communist propaganda to its own
citizens as well as to foreign
sympathizers. This tactic included the
state-sponsored production of
propaganda posters. An innovative
aspect of the Bolsheviks' poster campaign was the way in which the
government supplemented the posting of images on urban
hoardings in Moscow and Petrograd with the employment of
trains, boats, and even
horse-drawn carts to travel the countryside
plastered with posters. These
images circulated throughout Russian territory celebrating
the revolution and exhorting the
population to defeat the combined forces of Russian counterrevolutionary imperialism and Western capitalism.
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5.15 Anonymous. Give Me the
Bucket.
mid-18th century. Colored woodcut.
Courtesy Professor Stephen White, Glasgow University.
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Alexander Apsit, Boris Zvorykin, Dmitri Moor
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The most prominent poster artist of the revolutionary years,
roughly 1917-22, was Alexander
Apsit (1880-1944). A Latvian, Apsit had learned his trade as a book
illustrator, later coming to the attention of the prominent
painter Lev Dmitriev Kavkazskii
(1849-1916), who employed him as an assistant. Apsit, like wartime
graphic designers in Britain and the United States,
worked in a fairly
straightforward, realistic style. While by no means the most
accomplished draftsman of this era, he intuitively grasped very
effective ways of appealing to popular sentiment. During the civil
war years, he produced around forty lithographs,
many of which were designed in
less than a day as events in the war shifted back and forth between
the Reds and the Whites.
Apsit's posters were well known because they were featured in
runs of up to 50,000, making him the ostensible "father" of the
Bolshevik
poster.
Apsit demonstrated a good grasp of the Bolsheviks'
favored
theme of heroism in To Horse, Proletarian! (fig.
5.16). In this image,
a cavalryman charges toward the viewer, his
foreshortened horse
and billowing red flag seemingly having broken through the picture
plane into the viewer's space. The direct appeal to the viewer's
emotions and the simple color symbolism tie this image to the
popular art of the lubki and the icon. Stressing the theme of
war as adventure, Apsit's rider anticipates the widespread theme of
heroic individuals whose militant revolutionary fervor makes them
stand out from the collective citizenry. In later years, the
state would transfer this military symbolism to the domestic front,
and images of "hero workers" and "hero farmers" would become a
staple of Soviet propaganda. Apsit's poster, like the First World
War posters of the Allies, was in fact a collaborative effort; his
rider was in this case conjoined to text written by the Bolshevik
leader and theorist Leon Trotsky (1879-1940).
In another group of works, Apsit eschewed realistic
subject
matter in favor of inventive dramas that rely on symbolism and
allegory. These images caricature the enemies of the revolution,
both domestic and foreign, in an outlandishly
inflammatory manner.
The Tsar, the Priest, and the Kulak {fig- 5.17) shows three
icons
of the "exploiting" classes being carried on a litter
by an emaciated,
despairing group of workers, who are literally chained to their
jobs. Here, Apsit is working within the confines of a long tradition
of satirical political speech that had arisen in the early
twentieth century in the service of popular
opposition to the tsarist
regime. The Kulak, symbolic of bourgeois capitalism, brandishes
a whip while a bloody sword is fastened to his waist. The
bright color and graphic detail of this poster witness Apsit's
awareness of the power of the
lubki to grab the public's eye and
provoke their
imagination. This poster was one of many Apsit produced under the
authority of VTSIK, the Soviet parliamentary body responsible for
the agitprop campaign.
The Struggle of the Red Knight with the Dark Force,
by Boris
Zvorykin (b. 1892) transforms Apsit's heroic
cavalryman into a
militant worker, shown here fighting the "dark force" of capitalism
while at the same time trampling on a representative of the
counter-revolutionary Whites (fig. 5.18). The simple red
versus white symbolism, dynamic movement, and densely filled composition
are all indicative of the poster's roots in the lubki
tradition.
In
this image, the worker fights not with a weapon but with an
anvil, further tying together
the themes of militant industry and military service. This concept
was important because one of the
greatest challenges faced by the
new government was the unsophisticated
and dilapidated state of Russian industry. The economy under the
tsars had remained an essentially agrarian one, and the gap
between Russian and European industry had
been made even more manifest by
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